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Die 11. und 12. Tafel des ḫisuu̯a-Festes
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Cet article, contenant l’étude de l’onzième et la douzième tablettes de la fête ḫišuu̯a (transcription, traduction, et commentaire), forme la continuation directe de l’étude de l’auteur que fut publiée en RANT 7 (2010), p. 357-398. En tenant compte de l’étude de la treizième tablette de cette fête par K. Kompalla en DBH 35 (sous presse) le fin de la fête ḫišuu̯a est à l’examen facile de tout qui s’intéresse à la religion et à l’héritage écrit des Hittites.
 

 

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Mazaca. Un site à “tous égards naturellement impropre à l’habitat”
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I’m interested in Strabo’s description of Mazaca in Cappadocia. The description of this polis, with its wealth of information, is exceeded only by the descriptions of Alexandria and Rome. However, I don’t believe that this presentation is based on what the author would have observed. Strabo certainly uses local sources, perhaps royal cappadocian traditions.
 

 

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Le cas d'Ewri-Sarruma, fils royal
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Ewri-Sarruma is one of these high-ranking persons of the Syro-anatolian society which is DUMU.LUGAL "royal son" and which we find in the texts of Ougarit, Bogazköy and on the seals of Nişantepe. This article takes back all these documents, the various written forms of the name Ewri-Sarruma as well as an analysis of this person. I also try to date most exactly possible these texts and seals.
 

 

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Notes relatives à la ville de Landa
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This article on the city of Landa fits into a plan of study concerning several cities of Anatolia, in particular religious centres. It is a question of collecting texts mentioning this city, to give a transliteration with translation and try to place her in Anatolia.
 

 

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Hittites et Louvites dans l’Anatolie occidentale au deuxième millénaire av. J.-C.
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In this contribution the reader finds many and sometimes recent informations relating to the Hittite presence in the « Luwian » countries of Western Anatolia and in many islands of the Eastern Egea.
 

 

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Élamite. Analyse grammaticale et lecture de textes
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Elamite, a limited text-corpus language, was spoken in southwest Iran at least from c. 2350 till the fourth century BC. In this article a general overview of the Elamite grammar (writing system, phonology, morphology, and syntax) is presented. Following this presentation some texts will be discussed.
 

 

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Les animaux domestiques dans les lois hittites
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Pets are very present in the laws of the Hittites. After trying to approach the concept of pet, we shall see what sorts of pets are present in the laws of the Hittites, and what their function and status are. We shall also show that it is not only the point of view of the legislator that is represented in the laws : religion is never far away, the laws of human society being like those of the cosmos.

 
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Le chien dans l'Anatolie antique
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In this short contribution it is possible to find an aspect of the dog’s situation in Ancient Anatolia, especially in the limits of the Hittite civilization. Some aspects relating to the social position of this animal and the relations between the men and the dog were unknow.

 
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Les langues indigènes d’Anatolie à l’époque hellénistique : présentation du thème
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We find at the time of the opening of this meeting a short presentation of some anatolian languages during the hellenistic period, such as  Lycian, Lydian, Phrygian or Carian. All these languages have a common origin : the Luwian Language.

 
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La restructuration de l’espace graphique dans l’Anatolie du Ier millénaire av. J.-C. Présentation générale
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With the fall of the Hittite empire, [disappeared] the situation of stable digraphia which had marked the second millennium B.C. disappeared. Profound political upheavals will lead to the installation then to the triumph of the alphabet, especially of the Greek alphabet. So shall we discuss the expansion of the Phoenician, Aramaic, and Greek scripts, but also the appearance of original scripts, such as lycian, carian or sidetic, etc.

 
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Le stadiasmos de Patara et la définition de l’espace romain dans la nouvelle province de Lycie-Pamphylie
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This article examines the now well-known inscription of Patara, the so-called Stadiasmos of Patara. Authors already argued that the long list of measures between cities of Lycia was useless as an itinerary and travel guide…
 
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Les missions des scribes hittites durant la seconde moitié du XIIIe s. av. J.-C.
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This short contribution is relating to the scribe’s travels and functions during the second half of the thirteenth century B.C…
 
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Les pérégrinations des marchands assyriens en haute Mésopotamie et en Asie Mineure
C. MICHEL. — At the beginning of the IInd millennium BC, inhabitants from the Aššur city-state, on the Tigris river, organized large scale commercial exchange with Anatolia…
 
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À la recherche du passé. Le premier voyage en Asie Mineure de Charles Texier
A. PORTNOFF. — Almost all we know about the journeys in the ancient times comes from the archeological researches undertaken by modern travellers…
 
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La place du phénicien en Anatolie au premier millénaire av. J.-C.
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The lector finds here some informations relating to the presence and the cultural influence of the Phoenicians in Anatolia since the Recent Bronze Age, in particular in Southern Anatolia (Cilicia).
 
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Fragments hittites relatifs à l’Égypte
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In order to continue the publication of hitttite’s fragments relating to Egypt, started since about thirty years in Professor J. Vergote’s honour, this paper presents the reading of some new fragments testifying the toponym Mizri (Egypt)…
 
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On the Hittite Demonstrative apaš
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Dans cet bref article, l’auteur se propose de prouver que le démonstratif hittite apaš provient d’une contamination de particules déictiques indo-européennes en *e/o et *bhe/o…
 
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Droit et religion en Asie Mineure : autour de la reconsacration comme sanction juridique chez les Hittites
E. J. BUIS. — Both legal and religious texts show an interesting coherence as far as the expression appa šuppiyahh- is concerned. Through the analysis of certain passages in Muwatalli’s prayer and various Hittite legal provisions, where the verb is mentioned…

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Sacrilège à Pessongoi ! Aspects culturels, religieux et théologiques de la correspondance des rois attalides avec le grand-prêtre de Pessinonte
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The attalid letters from Pessinous are exceptionnal documents for Antiquity, because of their secret nature. They allow the reconstitution of a tragic episod which affected the sanctuary: a sacrilege commited by Galatians. Facing the accident, the author of these texts expresses reactions rarely noticed, linked with theology. It may be added that the presentations of these events became possible by the simple change concerning the word Pessongoi, which figures in the beginning of the first letter.
 
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Lumière sur les loups d’Apollon
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The origin of the name of the deity Apollo is still a matter of debate. The name is attributed to Greek, Anatolian or a substrate language of the Aegean area. Whatever the position one takes on this question, it has consequences far beyond the linguistic debate: it concerns the constitution of the Greek religious belief by inherited or by loan elements. In this article it is decisively taken part for the Greek origin of the deity, which is further linked to elements of Indo-European culture. In spite of some astonishing facts which could be in favor of an Anatolian (or substrate) origin, such an origin is refused. These facts belong already to a further development of the nature of the deity. The whole question is linked to the history of the movements of Indo-European men-groups to unknown regions, notably to the Greek presence in Western Anatolia which is older than generally asumed. In this perspective, Apollo can be considered as a kind of ‘frontier god’ who get’s ‘civilized’ in parallel to the institutional development of the political units venerating him.
 
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La "maison (le palais) des ancêtres" et les tombeaux des rois hittites
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In Hittite texts apart from the «stone house» É.NA4 and the É hekur there is the third term related to the deceased kings: a «house (palace) of grand-fathers» É(.GAL) huhhas. Those houses existed in three Hittite royal residences: Hattusa, Katapa and Samuha. Some ceremonies of the great festivals as well as the rituals were celebrated in those houses. In Hattusa the events of the second day of the hisuwa-festival took place in the “house of grand-fathers”; in Samuha the queen celebrated a ritual for Sauska of Taminiga in the É huhhas; in Katapa the nuntarriyasha-festival began in the “house of grand-fathers”. É huhhas (as well as the “stone house») had some economic power: the food necessary for the different festivals were brought from them. Although there wasn’t any festival nor ritual description which took place in the “stone house”. The officials working for É huhhas (LÚ.MEŠ É huhhas) had the ability to answer the oracle questions in some ominal texts.
 
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Forgerons et sanctuaires dans l’Anatolie antique
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This paper is dealing once again with the blacksmiths’ religion in Anatolia and the god Hephaistos. Wich divinities did the metalworkers prefer? Did they dispose of temple of their own? Did they profit by, within sanctuaries, reserved spaces?
 
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De quelques sanctuaires louvites : fonctionnement et continuité
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In this short contribution the lector will find a study of the functioning and the continuity during the Greco-Roman period of three sanctuaries with an Anatolian- Luwian origin, namely Kumman(n)i = Komana Cappadociae or perhaps Hierapolis-Castabala, Hubesna = cl. Kybistra, and Sinuri-Mylasa for which we do not possess to-day attestations from the Bronze Age.
 
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Remarques sur "la maison du dieu"
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As regards the temples and sanctuaries, the author underlines the specific aspects of the Hittites in the indo-european civilisations. Very early the Hittites built dwellings for the gods. He stresses the act that the “houses  of the gods”, as they are usually designed, are built like human abodes. Among other points, the author draws our attention to presence of the gods in the sanctuaries as well as their relationship with their statues.
 
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Les sanctuaires lyciens de Tlôs et de Patara
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This paper is dealing with some different problems about Lycian sanctuaries of Tlus and Patara. We have examined numismatic and epigraphic material of both cities, in order to give some new reflexions and hypothesis. The problem of an eventual cultual organization of cities of “Tremilis”, whom chief-city would have been Tlus, has been considered mainly from the so-called Sacred Law, Panyassis’ Legend of Tremilids and Panthera coins minted at Tlus. The Panthera typus has been linked to Belleropho’s legend and possible second Storm-God of the “tloean amphictiony”. The problem of the identification of the masculine head on coinage from Tlus and Patara, which could be either of Apollo or Hermes, has also been envisaged. The expression of “Maliyean Patara” in the Inscribed Pillar of Xanthus and the importance of Athenian coinage in the latest city let us wonder if Maliya’s occurrences in Lycian epigraphy really concerned the Asianic Goddess in every cases or referred to Athena. But, we also wondered if particular representations of Athena on Patarean coins designed the Greek Goddess or referred to Maliya instead.
 
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Évolution de la religion assyrienne en milieu syro-hittite et syro-araméen. Syncrétismes religieux et implications politiques
S. SALMON. —The main concepts building the identity of the Assyrian State since the Bronze Age developed around the theology of the Assyrian national god, Ashur, leader of the local pantheon and “true” king of Assyria…
 
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Un caso di interferenza linguistica in area microasiatica: su alcuni antroponimi composti del panfilio
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Cet essai analyse certains anthroponymes composés pamphyliens possédant la voyelle de liaison -a-. Dans le panorama de la dialectologie grecque, il s’agit d’une particularité presque exclusive du dialecte pamphylien. Après avoir écarté la possibilité d’un trait héréditaire propre aux dialectes achéens, on propose d’analyser cette spécificité du pamphylien en tant que produit d’une interférence du substrat anatolien et louvite en particulier.

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Quelques réflexions sur la montagne comme lieu de culte des Hittites
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In this paper, the author presents some aspects of the organization of Hittite festivals when they take place on a mountain. Even if the texts are few and laconic, some details let us think that it required a large human assistance ; for example, the setting up of the “tent” before the king arrives, the forwarding of the supplies for the cultic offers, the coming of many people belonging to the palatial or religious staff. All these particulars show, in an unusual way, the importance of the Hittite outdoor religious festivals.
 
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L’homme-montagne ou l’itinéraire d’un motif iconographique
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This paper suggests to precise the symbolical meaning of the half-human half-mountain figure. After looking back on the origin of this traditional theme of the Syro-Anatolian world, we will approach the question of the symbols’ diffusion in the ancient Near-East and especially of the iconographic exchanges between Mesopotamia and the Syro-Anatolian regions.
 
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Les montagnes dans l’historiographie et la géographie hittites
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The Hittite cuneiform texts and hieroglyphic inscriptions provide us with hundred of placenames, the names of countries, rivers or mountains. Names of numerous mountains, highlands or ranges are known. They allow to fix the borders between the hittite land and several vassal states (Kizzuwatna, Ugarit, Tarḫuntašša). They were the theatre of wars, especially against the “barbarous” Gasgas of the pontic chains, and of kings heroic deeds. Several sovereigns (Ammuna, Arnuwanda, Tutḫaliya) have taken a mountain name who was also the name of a god.
 
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Le(s) nom(s) de la montagne en louvite
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The name of the mountain in luwian raises difficulties, because of the use of the ideograms in both the hieroglyphic and cuneiform writings. Whereas *ariyatti- is an excellent candidate for cuneiform ḪUR.SAG-ti, it seems increasingly certain that the hieroglyphic sign MONS was read wati-. I showed that watti- “mountain” and other terms etymologically connected seem attested in cuneiform luwian as well. It is not, therefore, unimaginable that ḪUR.SAG-ti was read watti-.
 
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La montagne dans le monde hittite
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In this contribution, R. Lebrun suggests a semantic interpretation (via the Hittite and Luwian languages) of several important mountain names of Anatolia. We find so the revelation of the feelings of the ancient Anatolian populations concerning the mountains.
 
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Quand la Montagne se rend à la ville
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In a previous paper, I showed that several cults carried out on the Mountain were related to foundation, and were meant to reinforce the roots of kingship as well as regenerating the king when the latter was aged, ailed or diseased. Today, I will examine two ceremonies where the Mountains move towards the city and try to discover the meaning of these travels: a monthly festival and a procession ceremony included within the KI.LAM festivities. In both cases the Mountains go to the city of Hattusha: I will demonstrate that in these two cases their journey is aimed at consolidating royalty and foundation. A new interpretation of the KI.LAM can therefore be surmised: it was one of the most important Hittite religious festivals. I will nevertheless recall the main characteristics of Hittite mountains and some aspects of ritual foundations performed on mountaintops.
 
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Casius, le mont sacré de la Méditerranée orientale
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Mountains have always been considered as a natural way leading to heaven, as the bridge between human and divine. Some of them received particular attention and were adored as the true deities by the populations living around. Casius provides one of the most outstanding examples of this cult of the mountain in the past. This paper aims to emphasize the sacred character of this mountain by underlining its different aspects. As a border mountain, Casius occupies a site of great strategic importance, close to the Maditerranean Sea coast as the Orontes River’s mouth. Thoughout the Late Bronze Age, the chief deity of Ugarit’s pantheon dwellt on its summit nd, in the same period, Casius appeared to be the highest place of Hurrian mythology. During the classical antiquity, the cult of Zeus Casius confirmed the long continuity of this mountain’s fame in the ancient world.
 
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Les cultes de montagnes dans le monde louvite
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Texts of IId millenium B.C. underline the importance of mountains in Luwian minds. A few mounts are connected to Luwians, as Arinnanda, where Mursili fought Arzawian refugees. Devotions have been given to Harhara and Sarlaimi. The Hieroglyphic Inscription of Yalburt attested the existence of a sanctuary in Mount Patara (Lukka-Lands), venerated by Tudhaliya IV.
During the Ist millenium B.C., many deities are linked to mountains through the epiclesis of Oreios/eia. There is even a god named Oros in Cilicia. We examine particularly the case of Meter Oreia, rarely assimilated (maybe to Nemesis and Adrasteia in Lycia, more certainly to Athena in Cilicia).
 
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La langue étrusque : connexions anatoliennes ?
R. LEBRUN. — In this short contribution, R. Lebrun enumerates philological suggestions relating to a few probable connexions between Etruscan words and the Indo-european languages of Asia Minor…
 
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Éléments d’onomastique hourrito-louvite et la légende étrusque de Tagès
A. PORTNOFF. — The story of Tages is one of the most authentic Etruscan legends. Nevertheless, his name cannot be easily explained by Etruscan…
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L'Asie mineure et ses langues
W. JENNIGES. — This paper aims at presenting a general overview of the languages of Asia Minor in the 2nd and 1st millennia B.C. It focuses primarily on terminological questions, the history of the discovery and decipherment, and the state of the art…
 
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Tabal sur un sceau-cylindre araméen
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On the cylinder seal are represented a sacred tree with on each side human-headed bulls.  They hold on up-raised hands a winged sun disk from which arise three human heads, a central figure flanked by saluting assistants. On the left, a man raises his hands towards the central group while, on the right, a person wearing a fish costume is performing an act of aspersion. The human-headed bull to the left has his body turned in but is looking back over his shoulder at the suppliant and at a second figure who is holding a sickle-sword in his right hand and under his left arm a quadruped which has its head turned looking at the central scene.  Under the hind legs of this animal, a monkey-like creature is crouched facing right. Above the left-most personage are six small six-pointed stars and just above the suppliant’s raised hands is a much larger eight-pointed orb.
The motifs of this scene are Mesopotamian and date to the VIIIth or the VIIth century, while the Aramaic inscription may be dated palaeographically to about the middle of the VIIth century. It reads LTBLY MN ≥BLNH, "(Belonging) to Tabal≠ (or, if aramaic,Tabalay] of Abilena."  Tabal≠  (or Tabalay) appears to be a gentilic, referring to the land of Tabal, probably to be located in Asia Minor in one of the areas conquered a few decades earlier by Sargon II of Assyria. The owner of the seal wished to be identified both with his homeland and with his new domicile in the Abilena region of the Anti-Lebanon range on the eastern slopes of the Lebanese Beqa Valley.
 
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Le Tabal de la préhistoire au début de l’ère chrétienne
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The lector finds here a short historical introduction to the Tabal, an important country of Southern Anatolia.
 
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Les Phrygiens en Tyanide et le problème des Muskis
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In the first part of this article is questioned the Phrygian influence in the region of Tyana. Three elements are discussed : the Phrygian fibulae on the Ivriz relief, dated at the end of the 8th c. B.C., the Phrygian bronze material in the Kaynarca tumulus and the Phrygian inscriptions of Tyana. The Phrygian influence in the Tyana region appears to be certain at  the end of the 8th c. B.C. ; it is at least cultural and political but certainly also economical. In the second part, the Muski problem is discussed according to our main source : the Assyrian annals. The conclusions are that the Muski king Mita appears to be the same as the Phrygian king Midas but the Mushkis can’t be assimilated to the Phrygians. This assimilation reinforces the Phrygian presence in the Tyana region as well as the contacts between Phrygians and Assyrians.
 
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Des Grands Rois de Tarḫuntašša aux Grands Rois de Tabal
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Shortly before and after the fall of the Hittite Empire dynasty and the capital, Ḫattuša, the title “Great King” is found in some hieroglyphic inscriptions belonging:
– at first to the vassal king of Tarḫuntašša, a germain of the hittite king (inscription from Hatip and seals, second half of the 13th century B.C.),
– to the so-called Hartapu (Kızıldağ, Karadağ, Burunkaya, 12th century B.C. ?),
– to some kings of Tabal in the assyrian epoch (9th-7th centuries B.C.)
The difficult question of the continuity or of the discontinuity between Kurunta, king and Great King of Tarḫuntašša, Hartapu and the late kings of Tabal is posed and settled here on behalf of the discontinuity.
 
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Divinités particulières du Tabal
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In this contribution, R. Lebrun gives a study of important deities in the Tabal during the Iron Age. The majority of the gods were luwian but we find also the remembrance of some hurrian gods such as the Stormgod and the Goddess Hebat.
 
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Télipinu au Tabal
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The Weather God of the vineyard mentioned in the Sultanhan and Bor inscriptions show many similarities with the one depicted on the Ivriz rock carving. Il therefore seems likely that we are dealing with the same deity when looking at these three monuments. The God shows characteristic features which compare well with those of Telepinu, one of the most important gods of the Hittite pantheon during the second millennium B.C.
 
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Les lapicides du Tabal
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The paper studies names of lapidaries or scribes in their context, as well as their survival in the greek-asianic language. Therefore we establish a survey on the basis of corpus of the texts of Tabal.  Eventually we provide a vocabulary of words meaning "to engrave" or  "to incise" in luwian. Furthermore, we argue that there exists a specific name for "the lapidary". Finally we list anthroponyms which still be found in the greek-asianic.

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Chypre, Rhodes et l’Anatolie méridionale : la question ionienne
O. CASABONNE, J. DEVOS. — Examination of the Aegyptian, Assyrian, Babylonian, Biblical and Achaemenid texts, indicates that the “Ionians” (Yaw/mnayi, Yawan, Yauna) were not only Greek and Cypriot populations, but also Anatolian populations…
 
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Grands rois, petits rois, gouvernants de second rang
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This paper investigates the relations between the Hittite and the Assyrian kings during the 13th century B.C., with special reference to the use of the title “Great King”. New possible interpretations of some famous passages of the royal correspondence are proposed, as well of the attitude of the Hittite king towards the Assyrian king.

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Les Galles d’Anatolie : image et réalités
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In this study, M.-F. Baslez, who studies particularly the religious movements in Anatolia and in the East Mediterranean Sea during the Greco-roman period, presents a very interesting new approach for our knowledge of the Galli sacerdotes, the priests of the Phrygian Goddess Cybele whose principal sanctuary in Asia Minor was situated at Pessinonte.
 
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Les rapports monétaires entre Chypre et l’Asie Mineure méridionale à l’époque achéménide

A. DESTROOPER. — Some Cypriot coins have been found in hoards and isolated in Southern Asia minor. Others were overstruck or countermarked there. Cilician, Pamphylian and Lycian coins are also found in Cyprus. All of these coins are placed in their numismatic, geographical and historical context. The numismatic evidence shows that by far the greatest contact occurred during the first three decades of the IVth century BC, in particular the significant number of coins of Evagoras I of Salamis found in Cilicia. His military activity may explain this. During other times in the Achaemenid period, the few coins illustrate more normal contact between two neighbouring countries.


Details | See the Volume | See the other papers

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Les îles de la mer Égée, Lazpa, le pays d’Aḫḫiyawa et les Hittites
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Some cuneiform texts found in the palace archives of Hattuša (Boğazköy), the hittite capital, are the principal source of information for the history of the Aegean islands and western Asia Minor from 15th to 13th century BC. The question of the nature of Hittite involvement in Aegean area is one of the recurring problems arousing arduous debate about the Mycenaean-Hittite relations and the contacts between Hittite and Greeks towards Miletus (hittite Milawa(n)da), Aegean coast and islands (Lesbos/Lazpa ?). Although most of this study is obviously based on written sources, use is also made of the rich archaeological evidence about Mycenaean sites along the western coast of Anatolia and the nearest islands (Samos, Rhodes, Dodecanese).
 
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Vorläufige überlegungen zur Keramik aus Kilikien zwischen dem 12. und 6. Jh. v. Chr. Eine Bestansaufnahme des Forschungsstandsbis an das Ende des 20. Jhs.
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Ces dernières années, plusieurs découvertes significatives, réalisées notamment sur des sites tels que Kilise Tepe et Kinet Höyük, ont mis en exergue l’importance des fouilles archéologiques en Cilicie. L’étude de la céramique locale et de la céramique importée, exhumées depuis 2000, permet d’illustrer les relations entre la Cilicie et les plus proches régions avoisinantes de l’Anatolie méridionale, principalement durant l’âge du fer.

 

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