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Remarques sur "la maison du dieu"
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As regards the temples and sanctuaries, the author underlines the specific aspects of the Hittites in the indo-european civilisations. Very early the Hittites built dwellings for the gods. He stresses the act that the “houses  of the gods”, as they are usually designed, are built like human abodes. Among other points, the author draws our attention to presence of the gods in the sanctuaries as well as their relationship with their statues.
 
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Les sanctuaires lyciens de Tlôs et de Patara
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This paper is dealing with some different problems about Lycian sanctuaries of Tlus and Patara. We have examined numismatic and epigraphic material of both cities, in order to give some new reflexions and hypothesis. The problem of an eventual cultual organization of cities of “Tremilis”, whom chief-city would have been Tlus, has been considered mainly from the so-called Sacred Law, Panyassis’ Legend of Tremilids and Panthera coins minted at Tlus. The Panthera typus has been linked to Belleropho’s legend and possible second Storm-God of the “tloean amphictiony”. The problem of the identification of the masculine head on coinage from Tlus and Patara, which could be either of Apollo or Hermes, has also been envisaged. The expression of “Maliyean Patara” in the Inscribed Pillar of Xanthus and the importance of Athenian coinage in the latest city let us wonder if Maliya’s occurrences in Lycian epigraphy really concerned the Asianic Goddess in every cases or referred to Athena. But, we also wondered if particular representations of Athena on Patarean coins designed the Greek Goddess or referred to Maliya instead.
 
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Évolution de la religion assyrienne en milieu syro-hittite et syro-araméen. Syncrétismes religieux et implications politiques
S. SALMON. —The main concepts building the identity of the Assyrian State since the Bronze Age developed around the theology of the Assyrian national god, Ashur, leader of the local pantheon and “true” king of Assyria…
 
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Environmental changes in the Jebleh plain (Syria). Geophysical, Geomorphological, Palynological, Archaeological and Historical Research
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Une approche interdisciplinaire a permis de retracer les changements environnementaux de la région de Tell Tweini…
 
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Deux textes administratifs néo-sumériens et un sceau-cylindre paléo-babylonien inédits
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The first Neo-Sumerian administrative text is dated from the second month of the 42d year of Šulgi’s reign. This is an expenditure text of a certain Urkununna, a high-ranking civil servant from Drehem. The second tablet, a delivery text, is probably dated from the third month of the third year of Šū-Sin’s reign. The owner of the Old-Babylonian cylinder seal is Ilišamaš, son of Ahušunu, servant of Šamaš and of Nergal of Apiak.
 
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Un caso di interferenza linguistica in area microasiatica: su alcuni antroponimi composti del panfilio
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Cet essai analyse certains anthroponymes composés pamphyliens possédant la voyelle de liaison -a-. Dans le panorama de la dialectologie grecque, il s’agit d’une particularité presque exclusive du dialecte pamphylien. Après avoir écarté la possibilité d’un trait héréditaire propre aux dialectes achéens, on propose d’analyser cette spécificité du pamphylien en tant que produit d’une interférence du substrat anatolien et louvite en particulier.

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Notes sur certains sapeurs néo-assyriens
F. DE BACKER. — The goal of this paper is to provide the reader with some clues about a specific kind of soldier usually represented on the neo-assyrian visual documents in the depictions of siege-combats…
 
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De cuneatis, quas vocant, inscriptionibus persepolitanis legendis et explicandis relatio ou comment Grotefend perça le mystère du vieux-perse
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This paper offers a Latin to French translation of the small account Georg Friedrich Grotefend gave about his attempt of deciphering Old Persian cuneiform. The Göttingen young Latin teacher’s article, which title is De cuneatis, quas vocant, inscriptionibus persepolitanis legendis et explicandis relatio, appears partly, at first, in the Göttinger Gelehrten Anzeigen in 1802-1803. The last editing version, by W. Meyer, dates back to 1893. This work represents the key of Old Persian decipherment but has never been translated to date. It seems all the more necessary to do it since severals differences exist  between Grotefend’s own account and what can be usually read on the topic.
So, this text allows us to follow the decipherer’s work and progress, and his method, as Grotefend himself notifies, from general considerations on the three writings attested on Persepolis monuments, to very precise readings and translations of Old Persian  cuneiform inscriptions, what he calls “the first Persepolitan writing”.
 
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Les conséquences des guerres sumériennes
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From the year names of the Sumerian period, we learn the destruction of many towns that are supposed to be ruined to the ground in wartime. The houses were burnt, the king captive or killed, the inhabitants taken away, the fields ravaged, metals, cattle and flock carried as a booty. We are amazed at seeing that, two or three years later, these towns and their bordering country were completely destroyed again. I would try to understand what the texts really mean. It seems interesting to consider the social and economic consequences of the facts that are mentioned above.
 
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Guštāsp et Lug : des similitudes irano-celtiques
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Some parts of Guštāsp’s life told by Firdawsi’s Shahnameh are like some parts of Lug’s life: the Iranian prince and the Celtic god came incognito at the chief town of a kingdom; both presented themselves to king’s palace and enumerated their ability, but failed; both must undergo many tests, but then were successful; both became king’s allies, won at war, and became kings. These resemblances partly question Dumezil’s thesis and deny some parts of Guštāsp’s life are taken from an episode of the Mahābhārata.
 
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Reading Lycian Through Greek Eyes: The Vowels
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The purpose of this article is to revise the values that have been traditionally attributed by scholars to the Lycian vowels. In order to do that, I intend to study the Lycian names attested in Greek inscriptions, especially those present in bilingual inscriptions. Since the values of the Greek vowels are well known, this will help me to establish the values of the Lycian vowels.
 
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Omero ideologo ?
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On relève en Homère une excessive, inacceptable homogénéité entre les Grecs et les non-Grecs. Dans le champ de la religion, le Panthéon grec semble être commun à toutes les gens entraînées dans la guerre de Troie; toutefois Homère introduit un rituel panhellénique des Vieilles pendant la procession menée par Hécube. Tous les personnages, héroïques ou moins, qui prennent part au conflit, emploient un langage qui est apparemment unique; toutefois, les peuples de la coalition anatolienne parlent des langues differentes (Il., IV, 436 seg.). D’un point de vue politique, on observe aussi que les souverains étrangers sont appelés βασιλεις, à la manière grecque. Dans l’Odyssée les Phéaciens semblent être un peuple qui vit heureusement; toutefois Homère admet l’existence de possibles larrons (Od., VIII, 443 seg.). Homère est un témoin attentif et digne de foi – à mon avis – de la réalité du monde mycénien à la fin du IIe millénaire. Pourtant pareilles contradictions étant inadmissibles, elles peuvent être expliquées seulement comme un bien précis objectif. Par le caractère politique-culturel de ces contradictions, il est possible de penser à un but à caractère idéologique.

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La monarchie hasmonéenne d’après le témoignage des monnaies : État juif ou État hellénistique ?
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The usage of Greek symbols on Hasmonean coins solely reflects a superficial dualism which does not distort in any way the national character of the Hasmonean state. The coins do not reflect any cultural dualism whatsoever, evenless a kind of syncretism. The Greek symbols used by the Hasmonean were not seen as symbols of paganism or idolatry. They were chosen in accordance with their relevance to the Jewish tradition.
 
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La « renaissance » de l’hébreu parlé : continuité et rupture
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This study shows how Modern Hebrew is linked to Biblical Hebrew through morphology, whilst it is distanced through syntax. But it is through semantics that there is the most innovation. In fact, the « renaissance » of spoken Hebrew, the initiative of which is above all due to Eliezer Ben Yehouda (1858-1922), fonctions thanks to the use of the classical heritage of the Scriptures read again according to the sociolinguistic contexts of the speakers concerned.
 
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L’iscrizione sudpicena della stele di Belmonte
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De nouvelles autopsies et surtout une analyse informatisée de nombreuses macrophoto­graphies ont permis de lire complètement l’inscription funéraire de la stèle de Belmonte. L’inscription est divisible en trois périodes : 1) apúnis qupat ant teom « Aponios [le défunt] cubat ante te » ; 2) łas manes abít sue cum hemat « Lar Manis abit secum humat » ; 3) mehnatís utrímpe íttas estas amuenas diγeintem atím łepetest « Maiores utrumque ictae (?) gentis amoenae memorantem petram linquent ».
 
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Quelques réflexions sur la montagne comme lieu de culte des Hittites
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In this paper, the author presents some aspects of the organization of Hittite festivals when they take place on a mountain. Even if the texts are few and laconic, some details let us think that it required a large human assistance ; for example, the setting up of the “tent” before the king arrives, the forwarding of the supplies for the cultic offers, the coming of many people belonging to the palatial or religious staff. All these particulars show, in an unusual way, the importance of the Hittite outdoor religious festivals.
 
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La montagne d’après les données textuelles d’Ougarit
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This study of the textual data from Ugarit concerning mountains is organized around three topics. First, mountains are viewed as an elemental part of the sacred landscape of the kingdom of Ugarit, dwellings of gods, meeting place of divinities, the edge of the world. Then the question of the identification of administrative districts in terms of geographical regions is treated. The final theme is the importance for the economy of the natural resources found in the mountainous areas, particularly animal husbandry, agriculture and timber industry.
 
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La divinité du mont Argée
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Classical coins from Caesarea (Kayseri) in Cappadocia and gems depict the Argaeus mountain in relation with a solar deity and horse. Commentators often hesitated to give a name to this deity : Helios-Apollon, Zeus-Sarapis ? According to texts from Kanesh, compared with classical and iconographical sources, the Argaeus-deity could be Pirwa, god of the mountain and protector of horses, the sanctuary of which was a kind of baetyl.
 
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Par monts et par vaux infernaux : la topographie des enfers dans le monde grec
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In archaic and classical Greece, the infernal world is characterized by a large network of rivers and marshy zones. The landscape appears essentially like a meadow (leimwvn), in other words a field heavy with moisture. Nevertheless, it is no flat open country as will be shown in this paper.
 
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L’homme-montagne ou l’itinéraire d’un motif iconographique
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This paper suggests to precise the symbolical meaning of the half-human half-mountain figure. After looking back on the origin of this traditional theme of the Syro-Anatolian world, we will approach the question of the symbols’ diffusion in the ancient Near-East and especially of the iconographic exchanges between Mesopotamia and the Syro-Anatolian regions.
 
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Les montagnes dans l’historiographie et la géographie hittites
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The Hittite cuneiform texts and hieroglyphic inscriptions provide us with hundred of placenames, the names of countries, rivers or mountains. Names of numerous mountains, highlands or ranges are known. They allow to fix the borders between the hittite land and several vassal states (Kizzuwatna, Ugarit, Tarḫuntašša). They were the theatre of wars, especially against the “barbarous” Gasgas of the pontic chains, and of kings heroic deeds. Several sovereigns (Ammuna, Arnuwanda, Tutḫaliya) have taken a mountain name who was also the name of a god.
 
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Le(s) nom(s) de la montagne en louvite
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The name of the mountain in luwian raises difficulties, because of the use of the ideograms in both the hieroglyphic and cuneiform writings. Whereas *ariyatti- is an excellent candidate for cuneiform ḪUR.SAG-ti, it seems increasingly certain that the hieroglyphic sign MONS was read wati-. I showed that watti- “mountain” and other terms etymologically connected seem attested in cuneiform luwian as well. It is not, therefore, unimaginable that ḪUR.SAG-ti was read watti-.
 
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La montagne dans le monde hittite
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In this contribution, R. Lebrun suggests a semantic interpretation (via the Hittite and Luwian languages) of several important mountain names of Anatolia. We find so the revelation of the feelings of the ancient Anatolian populations concerning the mountains.
 
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Quand la Montagne se rend à la ville
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In a previous paper, I showed that several cults carried out on the Mountain were related to foundation, and were meant to reinforce the roots of kingship as well as regenerating the king when the latter was aged, ailed or diseased. Today, I will examine two ceremonies where the Mountains move towards the city and try to discover the meaning of these travels: a monthly festival and a procession ceremony included within the KI.LAM festivities. In both cases the Mountains go to the city of Hattusha: I will demonstrate that in these two cases their journey is aimed at consolidating royalty and foundation. A new interpretation of the KI.LAM can therefore be surmised: it was one of the most important Hittite religious festivals. I will nevertheless recall the main characteristics of Hittite mountains and some aspects of ritual foundations performed on mountaintops.
 
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Casius, le mont sacré de la Méditerranée orientale
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Mountains have always been considered as a natural way leading to heaven, as the bridge between human and divine. Some of them received particular attention and were adored as the true deities by the populations living around. Casius provides one of the most outstanding examples of this cult of the mountain in the past. This paper aims to emphasize the sacred character of this mountain by underlining its different aspects. As a border mountain, Casius occupies a site of great strategic importance, close to the Maditerranean Sea coast as the Orontes River’s mouth. Thoughout the Late Bronze Age, the chief deity of Ugarit’s pantheon dwellt on its summit nd, in the same period, Casius appeared to be the highest place of Hurrian mythology. During the classical antiquity, the cult of Zeus Casius confirmed the long continuity of this mountain’s fame in the ancient world.
 
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Les cultes de montagnes dans le monde louvite
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Texts of IId millenium B.C. underline the importance of mountains in Luwian minds. A few mounts are connected to Luwians, as Arinnanda, where Mursili fought Arzawian refugees. Devotions have been given to Harhara and Sarlaimi. The Hieroglyphic Inscription of Yalburt attested the existence of a sanctuary in Mount Patara (Lukka-Lands), venerated by Tudhaliya IV.
During the Ist millenium B.C., many deities are linked to mountains through the epiclesis of Oreios/eia. There is even a god named Oros in Cilicia. We examine particularly the case of Meter Oreia, rarely assimilated (maybe to Nemesis and Adrasteia in Lycia, more certainly to Athena in Cilicia).
 
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Les gloses étrusques
D. BRIQUEL. — We can find in Greek and Roman literature about sixty Etruscan glosses, i.e. translation of Etruscan words in Greek or Latin, which complete the knowleddge of Etruscan language we can get from epigraphical data…
 
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Problèmes falisques
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The present paper aims at examining some contemporary problems related to Faliscan, in the fields of phonetics, morphology, lexicology and poetics. Attention is paid to the diachronic and synchronic relations of Faliscan with the other Italic languages, expecially with Latin. An etymological analysis is proposed for the Faliscan forms faced and umom.
 
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Le déchiffrement de l’étrusque. Histoire, problèmes et perspectives
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The aim of this study is definitely not to give a mere account of the decipherment of the Etruscan language, but to establish a connection between the history of that decipherment, the problems which had to be faced, and the issues usually raised by any decipherment. Consequently we will endeavour to describe demonstration procedures, to try to understand why the decipherment has assumed this shape and form, to analyse the methods which prevailed during that decipherment and the reasons why they were doomed to failure. Finally, we will examine the question of bilinguals: we will begin with the role played by bilinguals in various decipherments; then we will try to understand the part played by the tablets of Pyrgi, which will enable us to wonder about the main purposes of any decipherment.
 
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Langue et religion : le cas étrusque

M.-L. HAACK. — Many Etruscan words were adopted in the Latin language thanks to the renowned Etruscan piety. The author examines these loanwords and distinguishes three major phases…


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La langue étrusque : connexions anatoliennes ?
R. LEBRUN. — In this short contribution, R. Lebrun enumerates philological suggestions relating to a few probable connexions between Etruscan words and the Indo-european languages of Asia Minor…
 
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Éléments d’onomastique hourrito-louvite et la légende étrusque de Tagès
A. PORTNOFF. — The story of Tages is one of the most authentic Etruscan legends. Nevertheless, his name cannot be easily explained by Etruscan…
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Étrusque et ibère : branches d’un substrat méditerranéen commun ?
C. RUIZ DARASSE. — We consider here two non-Indoeuropean languages in the Western part of the Mediterranean sea. As they were in cultural contact, we try to find some clues of a common linguistical substract…
 
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Les génies armés, gardiens de la porte du pylône du temple d’Horus à Edfou
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On both jambs of Edfu’s temple pylon, at the northern side, the visitor can see the figures of 64 anthropoid genious carrying a weapon and affecting an offensive attitude. The legends assigned to these genious mention their names whose significations are related to a wide range of specific concepts of the war and to the psychology of terror in the Egyptian thought. The reading of the texts reveals that these figures, organized in three seasons (akhet, peret, shemu), are distributed in twelve squads (the twelve months). Each team consisting of an unequal number of genious is leaded by a god, in association with his defensive function according to the Apollinopolite mythology. The activity of these armed and terrifying protectors of the Edfu’s temple court is clearly associated to the mythological fight of the Darkness against the Light, i.e. the forces of the Evil and those of the Good. Actually, the pylon and the columns of Edfu’s temple are respectively used as a style and graduations of a solar clock. Therefore, during the solar year, the effects of this phenomenon are observable in the advance of the pylon’s shadow cast on the columns, from the southern (summer solstice)  to the northern side (winter solstice) of the court. According to the sacerdotal interpretation, the armed genious, by their magical power, were supposed to repulse the assault of Darkness against the temple, whose court was considered as a battle field, between the summer and the winter solstice.
 
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Anatolian Archaisms  and the Origin of Indo‑European Roots
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J. BOLEY. — This paper presents evidence and arguments in favor of deriving ancient Indo-European Roots from Particles. In this way, it seeks to complete the picture of Proto-Indo-European syntax set forth in previous work. The "deictic" nature of the earliest reconstructible Indo-European speech is connected up.
 
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L'Asie mineure et ses langues
W. JENNIGES. — This paper aims at presenting a general overview of the languages of Asia Minor in the 2nd and 1st millennia B.C. It focuses primarily on terminological questions, the history of the discovery and decipherment, and the state of the art…
 
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La maison de Mopsos en Cilicie et en Pamphylie à l’époque du Fer (XIIe-VIe s. av. J.-C.)
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The discovery of the Çinekoy Phoenician and Luwian inscription, ten years ago, throws new light on the importance of the « House of Mopsos » in Southern Anatolia during the Iron Age. Mopsos is no longer a pure legend but the eponym of an important dynasty. The Phoenician and Luwian inscriptions from the VIIIth-VIIth c. BCE show that this “House of Mopsos” was active not only in Cilicia but also in Pamphylia, especially in the foundations of new cities bearing the names of the rulers, and probably plaid an important role in the diffusion of the Phoenician alphabet to the Luwian people.
 
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Statues royales nabatéennes
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The royal iconography which appeared in the Nabataean kingdom is part of the imitation phenomenon of Hellenistic kingship by the Nabataean dynasty. Inscriptions found in Petra indicate that these images were private dedication to the king, not official monuments. However, it seems that this was the outcome of the royal propaganda which aimed at presenting the king as the benefactor of the people. The deification of a king named Obodas, probably at the time of Aretas IV, and the erection of statues in honour of this new god were also part of the royal propaganda.
 
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Où est mort le grand Pompée, l’adversaire malheureux de Jules César ?
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The place in front of which Pompey has been murdered and where his tomb and the Zeus Casios temple were located, is not situated in the middle of the offshore bar that separates, in the north, the Sirbonis / Bardaouil lake from the Mediterranean, a place that many people call Casion, but rather (ou most probably) in the plain at the east of Peluse, near  the western end of lake Sirbonis.
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Alcune iconografie monetali della Lycia del v secolo a.C. e Kuprlli : espressione d’imperio o realismo politico (?)

N. VISMARA. —L’auteur compare 24 typologies monétaire de Kuprlli avec les émissions des autres « seigneur » et villes de la région de la Lycie…


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Tabal sur un sceau-cylindre araméen
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On the cylinder seal are represented a sacred tree with on each side human-headed bulls.  They hold on up-raised hands a winged sun disk from which arise three human heads, a central figure flanked by saluting assistants. On the left, a man raises his hands towards the central group while, on the right, a person wearing a fish costume is performing an act of aspersion. The human-headed bull to the left has his body turned in but is looking back over his shoulder at the suppliant and at a second figure who is holding a sickle-sword in his right hand and under his left arm a quadruped which has its head turned looking at the central scene.  Under the hind legs of this animal, a monkey-like creature is crouched facing right. Above the left-most personage are six small six-pointed stars and just above the suppliant’s raised hands is a much larger eight-pointed orb.
The motifs of this scene are Mesopotamian and date to the VIIIth or the VIIth century, while the Aramaic inscription may be dated palaeographically to about the middle of the VIIth century. It reads LTBLY MN ≥BLNH, "(Belonging) to Tabal≠ (or, if aramaic,Tabalay] of Abilena."  Tabal≠  (or Tabalay) appears to be a gentilic, referring to the land of Tabal, probably to be located in Asia Minor in one of the areas conquered a few decades earlier by Sargon II of Assyria. The owner of the seal wished to be identified both with his homeland and with his new domicile in the Abilena region of the Anti-Lebanon range on the eastern slopes of the Lebanese Beqa Valley.
 
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Le Tabal de la préhistoire au début de l’ère chrétienne
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The lector finds here a short historical introduction to the Tabal, an important country of Southern Anatolia.
 
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Les Phrygiens en Tyanide et le problème des Muskis
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In the first part of this article is questioned the Phrygian influence in the region of Tyana. Three elements are discussed : the Phrygian fibulae on the Ivriz relief, dated at the end of the 8th c. B.C., the Phrygian bronze material in the Kaynarca tumulus and the Phrygian inscriptions of Tyana. The Phrygian influence in the Tyana region appears to be certain at  the end of the 8th c. B.C. ; it is at least cultural and political but certainly also economical. In the second part, the Muski problem is discussed according to our main source : the Assyrian annals. The conclusions are that the Muski king Mita appears to be the same as the Phrygian king Midas but the Mushkis can’t be assimilated to the Phrygians. This assimilation reinforces the Phrygian presence in the Tyana region as well as the contacts between Phrygians and Assyrians.
 
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Des Grands Rois de Tarḫuntašša aux Grands Rois de Tabal
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Shortly before and after the fall of the Hittite Empire dynasty and the capital, Ḫattuša, the title “Great King” is found in some hieroglyphic inscriptions belonging:
– at first to the vassal king of Tarḫuntašša, a germain of the hittite king (inscription from Hatip and seals, second half of the 13th century B.C.),
– to the so-called Hartapu (Kızıldağ, Karadağ, Burunkaya, 12th century B.C. ?),
– to some kings of Tabal in the assyrian epoch (9th-7th centuries B.C.)
The difficult question of the continuity or of the discontinuity between Kurunta, king and Great King of Tarḫuntašša, Hartapu and the late kings of Tabal is posed and settled here on behalf of the discontinuity.
 
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Divinités particulières du Tabal
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In this contribution, R. Lebrun gives a study of important deities in the Tabal during the Iron Age. The majority of the gods were luwian but we find also the remembrance of some hurrian gods such as the Stormgod and the Goddess Hebat.
 
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Télipinu au Tabal
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The Weather God of the vineyard mentioned in the Sultanhan and Bor inscriptions show many similarities with the one depicted on the Ivriz rock carving. Il therefore seems likely that we are dealing with the same deity when looking at these three monuments. The God shows characteristic features which compare well with those of Telepinu, one of the most important gods of the Hittite pantheon during the second millennium B.C.
 
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Les lapicides du Tabal
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The paper studies names of lapidaries or scribes in their context, as well as their survival in the greek-asianic language. Therefore we establish a survey on the basis of corpus of the texts of Tabal.  Eventually we provide a vocabulary of words meaning "to engrave" or  "to incise" in luwian. Furthermore, we argue that there exists a specific name for "the lapidary". Finally we list anthroponyms which still be found in the greek-asianic.

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Au sujet des représentations du Cerbère de type "macrobien" et pseudo-macrobien : une recherche iconologique
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This paper is dealing once again with the iconologic analysis of the so-called Macrobian-Cerberous whose description is given by Macrobius, Saturnals I, 20 : a central standing lion with two lateral heads of a dog and a wolf shooting from its neck, with two snakes climbing up along the lion’s legs and connecting the three animal heads. Two new representations of this fabulous tricephalous animal engraved in the famous book L’Antiquité expliquée en figures of Dom Bernard de Montfaucon (1719-1724) as well as other figures missing in the iconographic corpus of this deity, provide the opportunity to give a new approach of this monster from an egyptological point of view. The basic concept of the tricephalous Cerberous, as well as the iconography of this god were the result of an intellectual exchange between two high figures belonging to the sacerdotal class : Manetho the Sebennytus and the Athenian Timothy the Eumolpid. Embodying both Egyptian and Greek beliefs in the prospect of the creation of the theology of the god Sarapis, at Memphis, under the reign of Ptolemeus Sôter, they promoted a bifocal belief in giving both the Greeks and the Egyptian the god Sarapis ruling in the Hades, and mastering the allegorical « dog » Cerberous, whose certain features are adapted from Egyptian iconography.
 
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Riflessioni sulla Logica e sul modo di pensare antichi
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Les résultats actuels des études indo-européennes révèlent un aspect du système linguistique préhistorique qui contraste radicalement avec la grammaire traditionnelle. Cet article tend à démontrer que les différences dans l’expression et la syntaxe correspondent à des différences dans l’organisation mentale et le système de la logique. Il est de plus suggéré que le mécanisme linguistique antique cadre mieux avec le langage tel qu’il est activé dans le cerveau, ceci en accord avec ce qui est généralement admis au niveau de la base neurologique du langage. Par parenthèse, une relation est signalée entre cette représentation du langage et la philosophie de Bergson.

 
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