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by Christophe FLAMENT. — This study is devoted to the role of the sacred treasury of Athena in the Athenian public finances during the 5th century. Two case studies will be examined: the constructions of the Acropolis and the military campaigns of the Peloponnesian War…
 
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by René LEBRUN. — In this contribution, the reader will find the fundamental place occupied by women in the exercise of worship in ancient Anatolia…
 
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by Herman J.J. MOORS. — Both the enigmatic biblical term šônîm (Prov 24:21), apparently a plural, and its Ugaritic equivalent šnm, are etymologically related to Arabic sanima, “to be high, gibbous.”…
 
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by Éric RAIMOND. — The personnality of Goddess Leto is quite unknown, despite she is the sixth spouse of Zeus and one of the main victims of Hera…
 
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by Adolfo ZAVARONI. — The Author compares representations concerning tridactyl gods and gods with a wheel which were found in different places of Europe…
 
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by Djibril AGNE. — In this study, age structures in traditional African education are used in the illumination of the senses of ἀγέλη and ἴλη in Sparta…
 
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by Pierre P. KOEMOTH. — If this Osiris of the jtf3 wr temple is proceeding from a liturgy shared with next temples celebrating the Seth’s destuction, an archaic relation with this dynastic shrine explains also his appearance in the royal jubilees festivities through the participation of Isis, a real innovation in this way…
 
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by Éric RAIMOND. — The number Nine is well-attested in many ancient myths…
 
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by Éric RAIMOND. — The number Nine is well-attested in many ancient myths…
 
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by Adolfo ZAVARONI. — L’auteur présente ici sept brèves inscriptions en ligure ancien trouvées dans cinq différents sites de l’Apennin proche de Reggio Emilia. Cinq d’entre elles sont caractérisées par des allusions aux fondements de la conception du monde des Ligures…
 
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Trois divinités tyriennes dans le récit de I Rois 18
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The Storm-God invokated by the prophets of Baal at I Kings 18 has been identified with Baal Shamīm or Milqart. The dance performed by the prophets, Elijah’s ironic references to some business, travel or sleep of this silent God and the presence of the prophets of Asherah allow us to see in this text a polemic against the three main tyrian deities : Baal Shamīm, Ashtart and Milqart.
 
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Propos sur la naissance de la notion de sphère dans l’Antiquité
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the Greek notion of sphere is part of a process of continuity / rupture which goes back to Sumer. There, the cosmos becomes in astronomy the celestial sphere, known under two aspects: that of the theory where, although absent from the lexicon, we can deduce from two tangent circles which wrap it; and that of the practice where is used the hemispherical sundial, named scaphe by the Greeks; at the same time, the "totality" is, on the clay tablet, a perfect disk / ring. In Greece, the mathematical sphere, which assumes a perfect shape and acquires for the human thought a remarkable efficiency, also ensues from the vision of a cosmos influenced by Mesopotamia and feeds, in the diverse stages of its elaboration, contributions of the Babylonian astronomy.
 
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D’Horus à Pharaon et au peuple égyptien. La symbolique du dieu-fils dans la civilisation de l’Égypte pharaonique (2778-1085 av. J.-C.)
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According to the osirian myth, the man (Osiris) marries her sister (Isis) and it is the child (Horus) stemming from this union who becomes the heir apparent. It thus seems clearly that the son (Horus) becomes a god-son intended to govern Egypt, ground of the gods. The symbolism of the god-son indicates that in the country of Pharaoh, the power is above all intended for the male child, and that the sisters come to give evidence that it is indeed about a justifiable child. The son who is placed on the Egyptian throne has to be a god-son, because Egypt, being the property of the gods, the only ones of the gods-son are authorized to insure the royal load.
 
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Le bestiaire des princes clients du Proche-Orient romain :  animaux symboliques et propagande (Ier s. av. J.-C. - Ier s. apr. J.-C.)
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The Commagenian, Nabataean and Iturean princes, and even Herod the rex iudaicus, used the image of the eagle as a symbol of their authority. However, the meaning of these eagles was different according to the context. Other images of animals appeared in the iconography of the near-eastern “friends of the Romans”: horses, dromedaries and also a symbolic and zodiacal bestiary in Commagene and Pontus.
 
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L'essor de l'Assyrie et la fragilité des normes politiques
A. TUGENDHAFT. — This essay explores the dynamic relationship between political events and poltical ideology through a study of Assyria’s place within the family of great powers at the end of the Bronze Age…
 
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De l'or pour les dieux celtiques ?
A. CAHEN-DELHAYE, J.-M. DOYEN. — Talrijke Keltische depots, bestaande uit halsringen en gouden munten, werden ontdekt op het grondgebied van de Nerviërs. Eén ervan bevat één van de meesterwerken van de Keltische edelsmeedkunst: de torque van Frasnes-lez-Buissenal…
 
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La vie municipale et religieuse dans les cités du Nord de la Gaule
M.-Th. RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, G. RAEPSAET. — De romanisering van Gallië was een langdurig en moeizaam proces, dat nochtans ondersteund werd door een grondig uitgewerkte institutionele structuur en de aanwezigheid van troepen aan de grenzen, alsook door de integratie van de bevolking in de Romeinse beschaving die doorheen het hele Romeinse rijk handelsverkeer genereert…
 
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Les symboles divins solaires hittites. Circulation ou invention ?
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During Antiquity, Men live everyday the constant presence of the sun. Therfore their lifestyle is influenced by the sunlight and its positive heat. It could explain the fact that the Sun God becomes one of the main divinities. However civilizations from diverse regions of the Ancient Near East perceive the Sun in the same way. The representation is it invented in each place? Or is it broadcast a culture to another ? This concern centred on Anatolia is the heart of this paper that will attempt to highlight different points of view of the symbolism of the Solar divinity.
 

 

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Plato Ikhwanianus. Retour sur le récit platonicien de l'anneau de Gygès dans l'encyclopédie des Frères de la Pureté
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In the 52nd and last epistle of the Brethren of Purity, one finds a passage which is a very faithful translation of Plato’s famous narrative about the ring of Gyges. Taking into account the literality of the translation, the size of the passage (about 30 lines) and the precision of the reference made to the original text, it may fairly be assumed that it is a unicum in the history of the transmission of Plato to the Arab world. The purpose of this paper is to take up again this issue and try to bring up some new elements to the discussion.
 

 

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Le Platon arabe et les Sabéens de Harran. La "voie diffuse" de la transmission du platonisme en terre d'Islam
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In the absence of integral and litteral Arabic translations of Plato’s dialogues, the transmission of Platonism in the Muslim world was an indirect one, passing through different channels such as medical works, doxographies and gnomologies. The complexity and relative obscurity of this ‘voie diffuse’, in which according to Pierre Thillet oral transmission played an important role, led to all kinds of hazardous speculations about the existence of a Platonic Academy among the “Sabaens” in Ḥarrān, which was supposed to be still in activity in the Xth century. This article proposes a critical analysis of one of the most quoted “evidences” for this theory: al-Mas‘ūdī’s report about a Platonic inscription he claims to have seen on the door-knocker of the maǧma‘ of the Sabaeans in Ḥarrān. Rather than proving the existence of a “Platonic Academy” there, al-Mas‘ūdī offers us an eloquent illustration of the way Platonism was transmitted in the Muslim world.
 

 

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La migration du savoir entre les communautés : le cas de la littérature arabe chrétienne
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This paper addresses the important phenomenon of contacts and influences between the various religious communities of the pre-modern Near East in the field of the written heritage, and more particularly in that of Christian Arabic literature. The introduction discusses several examples of such interchange, on the one hand, between the various Christian communities (Melkites, Syrians, Copts) and between various language traditions (Syriac, Armenian, Coptic, Arabic) and on the other hand, between Christian and Muslim intellectual environments. The main part of the paper investigates the textual similarities that can be detected in the works of Sulaymān al-Ġazzī, Melkite bishop of Ghazza in the the tenth and eleventh centuries A.D., and the famous Epistles of the Iḫwān al-Ṣafā’ (Brethren of Purity). Some preliminary suggestions are given for the question as to how such similarities might have come about.
 

 

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L’influence du traité "Les airs, les eaux et les lieux" d’Hippocrate chez les penseurs arabes du Moyen Âge
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In this paper, I want to show the influence of the hippocratic treatise On airs, waters, places ((Περὶ ἀέρων, ὑδάτων, τόπων) and Galen’s commentary in particular, on the arabic scientific literature. Of course, we find it in medicine but also in geography. In this field, the Galen’s commentary of hippocratic text determined the base of the theory of geographical determinism, giving a conceptual structure (physic and even physiological) to the influence of the man’s environment. The mediaeval thinkers applied this theory to the humanity and in this context, the hippocratic opposition between Schythians and Egyptians is replaced by the one between Turks and Egyptians or Slaves and Blacks. They used it also to explain the physical constitution and the ethics of a specific population.
 
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La mythologie ougaritique dans son cadre historique
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Scholarly opinion on the origins of Ugaritic mythology, in particularly the myths having to do with the storm deity Baʿlu, has varied considerably over the eighty some years since the discovery of these tablets. Traditional Mesopotamian sources were cited as parallels early on, then Amorite influence was posited.  Recently, the hypothesis of a Mesopotamian connection has been revived under a new form.  These varied explanations for a Levantine mythology showing similarities with other Near-Eastern mythologies, not to mention Aegean ones, will be passed rapidly in review and the peculiarities of the Ugaritic version will be emphasized.
 

 

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Transmission et vivacité des traditions céramiques locales durant l’occupation assyrienne. Le cas du bas Moyen-Euphrate syrien
S. SALMON. — The excavations on the site of Tell Masaïkh (Syria) brought to light a ceramic material, dated the Iron Age II. His study allowed the identification of typologies belonging to the Neo-Assyrian tradition and others which are certainly local…
 
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Entre Rome, Babylone et les Indes. Bardésane, stoïcien universaliste
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About 218 AD, the Syrian author and nobleman Bardayṣan met with an Indian embassy, on its way to the Roman imperial court in the city of Emesa. We try to demonstrate that his report, strongly marked by his Stoic concepts about cultural identity and relativity, became the source of Greek and Arab knowledge about the Buddhists and the Brahmans, starting from his contemporary Philostrates to Abū ‘Īsā al-Warrāq and Ibn Zur‘a in the 10th Century.
 

 

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Euhemeros von Messene. Ökonomisches Denken in einer “Utopie” der hellenistischen Zeit
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Dans l’Écriture Sacrée de Evhémère le Messinien, conseiller du roi des Macédoniens, Cassandre décrit la situation socio-économique des îles de l’Océan indien, que lui-même a visitées. Les traits caractéristiques de la structure de la société et de l’économie des îles sont la répartition sociale du travail entre la population, l’évaluation positive du manoeuvre, ainsi que la politique économique centralisée et l’économie des incitations à la partie la plus productive de la population. Un passage souligne ce que possèdent les prêtres, lesquels exercent le pouvoir supérieur. Le travail de Evhémère, relevant du genre littéraire politique “mytho-historique” (Staatsroman) des temps hellénistiques, appartient à la catégorie du mirror for princes, qui aboutit à projeter sur le prince la conception de la société idéale.
 
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Néron et le "De clementia" de Sénèque, racine ou rupture ?
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At the same time Seneca is the thinker of the government over which the last prince Julio-claudian reigns, and the thinker of the « new » political designation should thus be given to translate the concepts invented by him for Nero’s reign. The Nero’s tutor has been expressed through three types of discourse – one philosophical, one political and a satirical theatrical work. All of them consist of a continous meditation on power. One book emerges from this polyphonical and political discourse ; the De clementia, founding pillar of both the new princely ideology and the shift to the political action of the concepts embodied in the person of Nero. The De clementia gives the impression of being both consistent with the political values developed by the Ancients, and the thought of a new political era. Then, can we consider the De clementia as a root or, alternatively, as a rupture ?
 

 

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Crudelis tu quoque, mater. Sur un passage problématique du chant de Damon (Virgile, VIIIe Bucolique, v. 47-50)
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The verses 47-50 of the eighth Eclogue are very confusing: they refer to personae whose identity can’t be clearly established (crudelis mater, puer improbus). Besides, their inelegantly emphatic form lets us suppose a textual corruption. Yet, an intertextual approach helps us to shed light on the meaning of the passage: the portrayal of incest in Catullian Carmen 64 (v. 403-406) − which obviously influenced Virgil − is very close to Virgilian verses, and takes place in a similar context: the depiction of crimes induced by Love. Hence our hypothesis that the ‘cruel mother’ (crudelis mater) and the ‘indecent child’ (improbus puer) are mentioned as an anonymous exemplum of incest.
 

 

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Expulser l’autre. À propos d’un rituel ombrien (TI VI b 52 à VII a 2)
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The present paper aims at analyzing the description of an Umbrian ritual (TI VI b 52 to VII a 2). During this ritual, the foreigners are expelled from among the citizens of Iguvium. I examine how aggressive urges are unleashed, and on the same time controlled, in the frame of the religious performance.
 
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L’enfant de la  IVe Bucolique : un autre Zarathuštra ?
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Because the ambiguousness of the Latin grammar we don’t know who in Virgil’s 4th Eclogue (vv. 60 – 63) smiles (the child to his mother or the mother to her child). In order to work out this problem we compare the birth of the child and Zoroaster’s whose Virgil’s contemporaries knew the live, at least partly. We thus may say not only the child smiles to his mother, but also he is born in a religious environment, as when Zoroaster was born. In the 4th Eclogue, Virgil provides the child with some Zoroaster’s salient features, in order that the child has the qualities of the founder of the religion the Parthians, i.e. the Rome’ enemies, practise, and because the child will see the submission of the Parthians.
 
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Antiquité classique et tradition biblique en symbiose dans l’Anthologie Palatine, VIII, Epigrammes 12-23
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In order to situate the Anthologia Palatina in the cultural history of Europe, this article analyses twelve literary epitaphs of Gregory of Nazianzus : 1. Book XXIV, Epitaphia 12-23, texts and observations; 2. biographical order of the poems; 3. the junction of classical and patristic traditions; 4. private poetry.
 
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Byzance et le Mont Athos au Petit Palais à Paris
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Under the auspices of the municipality of Paris, the art and history of Byzantium have been presented to the public in an exhibition gathering together a large collection of treasures from Mount Athos at the Petit Palais in Paris from the 10th of April to the 5th of July 2009.
 
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Le rôle politique des femmes de la dynastie d’Hérode. Hérodiade, Cypros, Bérénice, Salomé
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What were the princesses' official functions in the herodian dynasty ? We propose to analyse the women's place in the herodian propaganda as well as their political role beside the king. An evolution can be highlighted : contrary to Herod the Great, who was a "king without queen", Agrippa I, Agrippa II and Aristobulus decided to show themselves with a queen beside them. From then, monarchy had to be embodied by a royal couple.
 
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Les métamorphoses animales des divinités dans la Méditerranée antique
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Looking for the authenticity of the sacred one may find out that the first human’s gods could often take the animal form. Since the prehistoric times, human beings worshipped wild animals and represented them in art with care and precision. During the Antiquity, even the most anthropocentric streams of philosophy couldn’t impede the survival of these popular beliefs. Some peoples, like ancient Egyptians, developed a very sophisticated zoomorphic pantheon. Greece and Rome testified a high level of the animal symbolism in mythology and divination. As for the Asia Minor, according to the old traditions, the idea of the wild nature couldn’t be separated there from the perception of the realm of the gods. This paper gives an approach to some historical evidences of god’s metamorphoses into animals and tries to examine the origins of these beliefs in the ancient Mediterranean world. 

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Le singe dans le monde minoen et cycladique
J. VANSCHOONWINKEL. — The representations of monkeys are numerous in the Minoan and Theran art although the monkey is not an animal native of the Aegean…
 
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Entre temps de mémoire et temps de l’histoire. L’invention romaine de l’âge d’or
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In this contribution, P.-A. Deproost estimates the originality of the Roman interpretation of the races hesiodic myth…
 
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Les inscriptions de Lepcis Magna en l’honneur de Septime Sévère et de sa famille. Première partie
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This article, in two parts (see), studies the latin inscriptions dedicated to Septimius Severus and his family in the city of Lepcis Magna…
 
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Il santuario, i rituali ed il wanax
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Cette étude commence par un ultérieur approfondissement sur la situation des opérateurs du culte mycéniens et leur organisation…
 
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Ritual prescriptions in the etruscan "Liber linteus"
F. C. WOUDHUIZEN. — Le texte le plus long en langue étrusque est le 'Liber linteus', conservé aujourd'hui sous la forme de bandes d'une momie égyptienne exposée dans le musée de Zagreb…
 
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Droit et religion en Asie Mineure : autour de la reconsacration comme sanction juridique chez les Hittites
E. J. BUIS. — Both legal and religious texts show an interesting coherence as far as the expression appa šuppiyahh- is concerned. Through the analysis of certain passages in Muwatalli’s prayer and various Hittite legal provisions, where the verb is mentioned…

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Sacrilège à Pessongoi ! Aspects culturels, religieux et théologiques de la correspondance des rois attalides avec le grand-prêtre de Pessinonte
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The attalid letters from Pessinous are exceptionnal documents for Antiquity, because of their secret nature. They allow the reconstitution of a tragic episod which affected the sanctuary: a sacrilege commited by Galatians. Facing the accident, the author of these texts expresses reactions rarely noticed, linked with theology. It may be added that the presentations of these events became possible by the simple change concerning the word Pessongoi, which figures in the beginning of the first letter.
 
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Lumière sur les loups d’Apollon
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The origin of the name of the deity Apollo is still a matter of debate. The name is attributed to Greek, Anatolian or a substrate language of the Aegean area. Whatever the position one takes on this question, it has consequences far beyond the linguistic debate: it concerns the constitution of the Greek religious belief by inherited or by loan elements. In this article it is decisively taken part for the Greek origin of the deity, which is further linked to elements of Indo-European culture. In spite of some astonishing facts which could be in favor of an Anatolian (or substrate) origin, such an origin is refused. These facts belong already to a further development of the nature of the deity. The whole question is linked to the history of the movements of Indo-European men-groups to unknown regions, notably to the Greek presence in Western Anatolia which is older than generally asumed. In this perspective, Apollo can be considered as a kind of ‘frontier god’ who get’s ‘civilized’ in parallel to the institutional development of the political units venerating him.
 
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Forgerons et sanctuaires dans l’Anatolie antique
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This paper is dealing once again with the blacksmiths’ religion in Anatolia and the god Hephaistos. Wich divinities did the metalworkers prefer? Did they dispose of temple of their own? Did they profit by, within sanctuaries, reserved spaces?
 
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Évolution de la religion assyrienne en milieu syro-hittite et syro-araméen. Syncrétismes religieux et implications politiques
S. SALMON. —The main concepts building the identity of the Assyrian State since the Bronze Age developed around the theology of the Assyrian national god, Ashur, leader of the local pantheon and “true” king of Assyria…
 
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Guštāsp et Lug : des similitudes irano-celtiques
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Some parts of Guštāsp’s life told by Firdawsi’s Shahnameh are like some parts of Lug’s life: the Iranian prince and the Celtic god came incognito at the chief town of a kingdom; both presented themselves to king’s palace and enumerated their ability, but failed; both must undergo many tests, but then were successful; both became king’s allies, won at war, and became kings. These resemblances partly question Dumezil’s thesis and deny some parts of Guštāsp’s life are taken from an episode of the Mahābhārata.
 
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Omero ideologo ?
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On relève en Homère une excessive, inacceptable homogénéité entre les Grecs et les non-Grecs. Dans le champ de la religion, le Panthéon grec semble être commun à toutes les gens entraînées dans la guerre de Troie; toutefois Homère introduit un rituel panhellénique des Vieilles pendant la procession menée par Hécube. Tous les personnages, héroïques ou moins, qui prennent part au conflit, emploient un langage qui est apparemment unique; toutefois, les peuples de la coalition anatolienne parlent des langues differentes (Il., IV, 436 seg.). D’un point de vue politique, on observe aussi que les souverains étrangers sont appelés βασιλεις, à la manière grecque. Dans l’Odyssée les Phéaciens semblent être un peuple qui vit heureusement; toutefois Homère admet l’existence de possibles larrons (Od., VIII, 443 seg.). Homère est un témoin attentif et digne de foi – à mon avis – de la réalité du monde mycénien à la fin du IIe millénaire. Pourtant pareilles contradictions étant inadmissibles, elles peuvent être expliquées seulement comme un bien précis objectif. Par le caractère politique-culturel de ces contradictions, il est possible de penser à un but à caractère idéologique.

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Quelques réflexions sur la montagne comme lieu de culte des Hittites
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In this paper, the author presents some aspects of the organization of Hittite festivals when they take place on a mountain. Even if the texts are few and laconic, some details let us think that it required a large human assistance ; for example, the setting up of the “tent” before the king arrives, the forwarding of the supplies for the cultic offers, the coming of many people belonging to the palatial or religious staff. All these particulars show, in an unusual way, the importance of the Hittite outdoor religious festivals.
 
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La divinité du mont Argée
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Classical coins from Caesarea (Kayseri) in Cappadocia and gems depict the Argaeus mountain in relation with a solar deity and horse. Commentators often hesitated to give a name to this deity : Helios-Apollon, Zeus-Sarapis ? According to texts from Kanesh, compared with classical and iconographical sources, the Argaeus-deity could be Pirwa, god of the mountain and protector of horses, the sanctuary of which was a kind of baetyl.
 
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Par monts et par vaux infernaux : la topographie des enfers dans le monde grec
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In archaic and classical Greece, the infernal world is characterized by a large network of rivers and marshy zones. The landscape appears essentially like a meadow (leimwvn), in other words a field heavy with moisture. Nevertheless, it is no flat open country as will be shown in this paper.
 
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Quand la Montagne se rend à la ville
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In a previous paper, I showed that several cults carried out on the Mountain were related to foundation, and were meant to reinforce the roots of kingship as well as regenerating the king when the latter was aged, ailed or diseased. Today, I will examine two ceremonies where the Mountains move towards the city and try to discover the meaning of these travels: a monthly festival and a procession ceremony included within the KI.LAM festivities. In both cases the Mountains go to the city of Hattusha: I will demonstrate that in these two cases their journey is aimed at consolidating royalty and foundation. A new interpretation of the KI.LAM can therefore be surmised: it was one of the most important Hittite religious festivals. I will nevertheless recall the main characteristics of Hittite mountains and some aspects of ritual foundations performed on mountaintops.
 
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