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Droit et religion en Asie Mineure : autour de la reconsacration comme sanction juridique chez les Hittites
E. J. BUIS. — Both legal and religious texts show an interesting coherence as far as the expression appa šuppiyahh- is concerned. Through the analysis of certain passages in Muwatalli’s prayer and various Hittite legal provisions, where the verb is mentioned…

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Sacrilège à Pessongoi ! Aspects culturels, religieux et théologiques de la correspondance des rois attalides avec le grand-prêtre de Pessinonte
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The attalid letters from Pessinous are exceptionnal documents for Antiquity, because of their secret nature. They allow the reconstitution of a tragic episod which affected the sanctuary: a sacrilege commited by Galatians. Facing the accident, the author of these texts expresses reactions rarely noticed, linked with theology. It may be added that the presentations of these events became possible by the simple change concerning the word Pessongoi, which figures in the beginning of the first letter.
 
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Lumière sur les loups d’Apollon
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The origin of the name of the deity Apollo is still a matter of debate. The name is attributed to Greek, Anatolian or a substrate language of the Aegean area. Whatever the position one takes on this question, it has consequences far beyond the linguistic debate: it concerns the constitution of the Greek religious belief by inherited or by loan elements. In this article it is decisively taken part for the Greek origin of the deity, which is further linked to elements of Indo-European culture. In spite of some astonishing facts which could be in favor of an Anatolian (or substrate) origin, such an origin is refused. These facts belong already to a further development of the nature of the deity. The whole question is linked to the history of the movements of Indo-European men-groups to unknown regions, notably to the Greek presence in Western Anatolia which is older than generally asumed. In this perspective, Apollo can be considered as a kind of ‘frontier god’ who get’s ‘civilized’ in parallel to the institutional development of the political units venerating him.
 
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La "maison (le palais) des ancêtres" et les tombeaux des rois hittites
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In Hittite texts apart from the «stone house» É.NA4 and the É hekur there is the third term related to the deceased kings: a «house (palace) of grand-fathers» É(.GAL) huhhas. Those houses existed in three Hittite royal residences: Hattusa, Katapa and Samuha. Some ceremonies of the great festivals as well as the rituals were celebrated in those houses. In Hattusa the events of the second day of the hisuwa-festival took place in the “house of grand-fathers”; in Samuha the queen celebrated a ritual for Sauska of Taminiga in the É huhhas; in Katapa the nuntarriyasha-festival began in the “house of grand-fathers”. É huhhas (as well as the “stone house») had some economic power: the food necessary for the different festivals were brought from them. Although there wasn’t any festival nor ritual description which took place in the “stone house”. The officials working for É huhhas (LÚ.MEŠ É huhhas) had the ability to answer the oracle questions in some ominal texts.
 
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Forgerons et sanctuaires dans l’Anatolie antique
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This paper is dealing once again with the blacksmiths’ religion in Anatolia and the god Hephaistos. Wich divinities did the metalworkers prefer? Did they dispose of temple of their own? Did they profit by, within sanctuaries, reserved spaces?
 
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De quelques sanctuaires louvites : fonctionnement et continuité
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In this short contribution the lector will find a study of the functioning and the continuity during the Greco-Roman period of three sanctuaries with an Anatolian- Luwian origin, namely Kumman(n)i = Komana Cappadociae or perhaps Hierapolis-Castabala, Hubesna = cl. Kybistra, and Sinuri-Mylasa for which we do not possess to-day attestations from the Bronze Age.
 
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Remarques sur "la maison du dieu"
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As regards the temples and sanctuaries, the author underlines the specific aspects of the Hittites in the indo-european civilisations. Very early the Hittites built dwellings for the gods. He stresses the act that the “houses  of the gods”, as they are usually designed, are built like human abodes. Among other points, the author draws our attention to presence of the gods in the sanctuaries as well as their relationship with their statues.
 
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Les sanctuaires lyciens de Tlôs et de Patara
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This paper is dealing with some different problems about Lycian sanctuaries of Tlus and Patara. We have examined numismatic and epigraphic material of both cities, in order to give some new reflexions and hypothesis. The problem of an eventual cultual organization of cities of “Tremilis”, whom chief-city would have been Tlus, has been considered mainly from the so-called Sacred Law, Panyassis’ Legend of Tremilids and Panthera coins minted at Tlus. The Panthera typus has been linked to Belleropho’s legend and possible second Storm-God of the “tloean amphictiony”. The problem of the identification of the masculine head on coinage from Tlus and Patara, which could be either of Apollo or Hermes, has also been envisaged. The expression of “Maliyean Patara” in the Inscribed Pillar of Xanthus and the importance of Athenian coinage in the latest city let us wonder if Maliya’s occurrences in Lycian epigraphy really concerned the Asianic Goddess in every cases or referred to Athena. But, we also wondered if particular representations of Athena on Patarean coins designed the Greek Goddess or referred to Maliya instead.
 
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Évolution de la religion assyrienne en milieu syro-hittite et syro-araméen. Syncrétismes religieux et implications politiques
S. SALMON. —The main concepts building the identity of the Assyrian State since the Bronze Age developed around the theology of the Assyrian national god, Ashur, leader of the local pantheon and “true” king of Assyria…
 
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Environmental changes in the Jebleh plain (Syria). Geophysical, Geomorphological, Palynological, Archaeological and Historical Research
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Une approche interdisciplinaire a permis de retracer les changements environnementaux de la région de Tell Tweini…
 
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Deux textes administratifs néo-sumériens et un sceau-cylindre paléo-babylonien inédits
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The first Neo-Sumerian administrative text is dated from the second month of the 42d year of Šulgi’s reign. This is an expenditure text of a certain Urkununna, a high-ranking civil servant from Drehem. The second tablet, a delivery text, is probably dated from the third month of the third year of Šū-Sin’s reign. The owner of the Old-Babylonian cylinder seal is Ilišamaš, son of Ahušunu, servant of Šamaš and of Nergal of Apiak.
 
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Un caso di interferenza linguistica in area microasiatica: su alcuni antroponimi composti del panfilio
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Cet essai analyse certains anthroponymes composés pamphyliens possédant la voyelle de liaison -a-. Dans le panorama de la dialectologie grecque, il s’agit d’une particularité presque exclusive du dialecte pamphylien. Après avoir écarté la possibilité d’un trait héréditaire propre aux dialectes achéens, on propose d’analyser cette spécificité du pamphylien en tant que produit d’une interférence du substrat anatolien et louvite en particulier.

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Notes sur certains sapeurs néo-assyriens
F. DE BACKER. — The goal of this paper is to provide the reader with some clues about a specific kind of soldier usually represented on the neo-assyrian visual documents in the depictions of siege-combats…
 
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De cuneatis, quas vocant, inscriptionibus persepolitanis legendis et explicandis relatio ou comment Grotefend perça le mystère du vieux-perse
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This paper offers a Latin to French translation of the small account Georg Friedrich Grotefend gave about his attempt of deciphering Old Persian cuneiform. The Göttingen young Latin teacher’s article, which title is De cuneatis, quas vocant, inscriptionibus persepolitanis legendis et explicandis relatio, appears partly, at first, in the Göttinger Gelehrten Anzeigen in 1802-1803. The last editing version, by W. Meyer, dates back to 1893. This work represents the key of Old Persian decipherment but has never been translated to date. It seems all the more necessary to do it since severals differences exist  between Grotefend’s own account and what can be usually read on the topic.
So, this text allows us to follow the decipherer’s work and progress, and his method, as Grotefend himself notifies, from general considerations on the three writings attested on Persepolis monuments, to very precise readings and translations of Old Persian  cuneiform inscriptions, what he calls “the first Persepolitan writing”.
 
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Les conséquences des guerres sumériennes
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From the year names of the Sumerian period, we learn the destruction of many towns that are supposed to be ruined to the ground in wartime. The houses were burnt, the king captive or killed, the inhabitants taken away, the fields ravaged, metals, cattle and flock carried as a booty. We are amazed at seeing that, two or three years later, these towns and their bordering country were completely destroyed again. I would try to understand what the texts really mean. It seems interesting to consider the social and economic consequences of the facts that are mentioned above.
 
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Guštāsp et Lug : des similitudes irano-celtiques
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Some parts of Guštāsp’s life told by Firdawsi’s Shahnameh are like some parts of Lug’s life: the Iranian prince and the Celtic god came incognito at the chief town of a kingdom; both presented themselves to king’s palace and enumerated their ability, but failed; both must undergo many tests, but then were successful; both became king’s allies, won at war, and became kings. These resemblances partly question Dumezil’s thesis and deny some parts of Guštāsp’s life are taken from an episode of the Mahābhārata.
 
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Reading Lycian Through Greek Eyes: The Vowels
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The purpose of this article is to revise the values that have been traditionally attributed by scholars to the Lycian vowels. In order to do that, I intend to study the Lycian names attested in Greek inscriptions, especially those present in bilingual inscriptions. Since the values of the Greek vowels are well known, this will help me to establish the values of the Lycian vowels.
 
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La monarchie hasmonéenne d’après le témoignage des monnaies : État juif ou État hellénistique ?
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The usage of Greek symbols on Hasmonean coins solely reflects a superficial dualism which does not distort in any way the national character of the Hasmonean state. The coins do not reflect any cultural dualism whatsoever, evenless a kind of syncretism. The Greek symbols used by the Hasmonean were not seen as symbols of paganism or idolatry. They were chosen in accordance with their relevance to the Jewish tradition.
 
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Quelques réflexions sur la montagne comme lieu de culte des Hittites
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In this paper, the author presents some aspects of the organization of Hittite festivals when they take place on a mountain. Even if the texts are few and laconic, some details let us think that it required a large human assistance ; for example, the setting up of the “tent” before the king arrives, the forwarding of the supplies for the cultic offers, the coming of many people belonging to the palatial or religious staff. All these particulars show, in an unusual way, the importance of the Hittite outdoor religious festivals.
 
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La montagne d’après les données textuelles d’Ougarit
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This study of the textual data from Ugarit concerning mountains is organized around three topics. First, mountains are viewed as an elemental part of the sacred landscape of the kingdom of Ugarit, dwellings of gods, meeting place of divinities, the edge of the world. Then the question of the identification of administrative districts in terms of geographical regions is treated. The final theme is the importance for the economy of the natural resources found in the mountainous areas, particularly animal husbandry, agriculture and timber industry.
 
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La divinité du mont Argée
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Classical coins from Caesarea (Kayseri) in Cappadocia and gems depict the Argaeus mountain in relation with a solar deity and horse. Commentators often hesitated to give a name to this deity : Helios-Apollon, Zeus-Sarapis ? According to texts from Kanesh, compared with classical and iconographical sources, the Argaeus-deity could be Pirwa, god of the mountain and protector of horses, the sanctuary of which was a kind of baetyl.
 
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Par monts et par vaux infernaux : la topographie des enfers dans le monde grec
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In archaic and classical Greece, the infernal world is characterized by a large network of rivers and marshy zones. The landscape appears essentially like a meadow (leimwvn), in other words a field heavy with moisture. Nevertheless, it is no flat open country as will be shown in this paper.
 
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L’homme-montagne ou l’itinéraire d’un motif iconographique
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This paper suggests to precise the symbolical meaning of the half-human half-mountain figure. After looking back on the origin of this traditional theme of the Syro-Anatolian world, we will approach the question of the symbols’ diffusion in the ancient Near-East and especially of the iconographic exchanges between Mesopotamia and the Syro-Anatolian regions.
 
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Les montagnes dans l’historiographie et la géographie hittites
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The Hittite cuneiform texts and hieroglyphic inscriptions provide us with hundred of placenames, the names of countries, rivers or mountains. Names of numerous mountains, highlands or ranges are known. They allow to fix the borders between the hittite land and several vassal states (Kizzuwatna, Ugarit, Tarḫuntašša). They were the theatre of wars, especially against the “barbarous” Gasgas of the pontic chains, and of kings heroic deeds. Several sovereigns (Ammuna, Arnuwanda, Tutḫaliya) have taken a mountain name who was also the name of a god.
 
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Le(s) nom(s) de la montagne en louvite
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The name of the mountain in luwian raises difficulties, because of the use of the ideograms in both the hieroglyphic and cuneiform writings. Whereas *ariyatti- is an excellent candidate for cuneiform ḪUR.SAG-ti, it seems increasingly certain that the hieroglyphic sign MONS was read wati-. I showed that watti- “mountain” and other terms etymologically connected seem attested in cuneiform luwian as well. It is not, therefore, unimaginable that ḪUR.SAG-ti was read watti-.
 
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La montagne dans le monde hittite
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In this contribution, R. Lebrun suggests a semantic interpretation (via the Hittite and Luwian languages) of several important mountain names of Anatolia. We find so the revelation of the feelings of the ancient Anatolian populations concerning the mountains.
 
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Quand la Montagne se rend à la ville
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In a previous paper, I showed that several cults carried out on the Mountain were related to foundation, and were meant to reinforce the roots of kingship as well as regenerating the king when the latter was aged, ailed or diseased. Today, I will examine two ceremonies where the Mountains move towards the city and try to discover the meaning of these travels: a monthly festival and a procession ceremony included within the KI.LAM festivities. In both cases the Mountains go to the city of Hattusha: I will demonstrate that in these two cases their journey is aimed at consolidating royalty and foundation. A new interpretation of the KI.LAM can therefore be surmised: it was one of the most important Hittite religious festivals. I will nevertheless recall the main characteristics of Hittite mountains and some aspects of ritual foundations performed on mountaintops.
 
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Casius, le mont sacré de la Méditerranée orientale
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Mountains have always been considered as a natural way leading to heaven, as the bridge between human and divine. Some of them received particular attention and were adored as the true deities by the populations living around. Casius provides one of the most outstanding examples of this cult of the mountain in the past. This paper aims to emphasize the sacred character of this mountain by underlining its different aspects. As a border mountain, Casius occupies a site of great strategic importance, close to the Maditerranean Sea coast as the Orontes River’s mouth. Thoughout the Late Bronze Age, the chief deity of Ugarit’s pantheon dwellt on its summit nd, in the same period, Casius appeared to be the highest place of Hurrian mythology. During the classical antiquity, the cult of Zeus Casius confirmed the long continuity of this mountain’s fame in the ancient world.
 
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Les cultes de montagnes dans le monde louvite
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Texts of IId millenium B.C. underline the importance of mountains in Luwian minds. A few mounts are connected to Luwians, as Arinnanda, where Mursili fought Arzawian refugees. Devotions have been given to Harhara and Sarlaimi. The Hieroglyphic Inscription of Yalburt attested the existence of a sanctuary in Mount Patara (Lukka-Lands), venerated by Tudhaliya IV.
During the Ist millenium B.C., many deities are linked to mountains through the epiclesis of Oreios/eia. There is even a god named Oros in Cilicia. We examine particularly the case of Meter Oreia, rarely assimilated (maybe to Nemesis and Adrasteia in Lycia, more certainly to Athena in Cilicia).
 
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Problèmes falisques
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The present paper aims at examining some contemporary problems related to Faliscan, in the fields of phonetics, morphology, lexicology and poetics. Attention is paid to the diachronic and synchronic relations of Faliscan with the other Italic languages, expecially with Latin. An etymological analysis is proposed for the Faliscan forms faced and umom.
 
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Le déchiffrement de l’étrusque. Histoire, problèmes et perspectives
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The aim of this study is definitely not to give a mere account of the decipherment of the Etruscan language, but to establish a connection between the history of that decipherment, the problems which had to be faced, and the issues usually raised by any decipherment. Consequently we will endeavour to describe demonstration procedures, to try to understand why the decipherment has assumed this shape and form, to analyse the methods which prevailed during that decipherment and the reasons why they were doomed to failure. Finally, we will examine the question of bilinguals: we will begin with the role played by bilinguals in various decipherments; then we will try to understand the part played by the tablets of Pyrgi, which will enable us to wonder about the main purposes of any decipherment.
 
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La langue étrusque : connexions anatoliennes ?
R. LEBRUN. — In this short contribution, R. Lebrun enumerates philological suggestions relating to a few probable connexions between Etruscan words and the Indo-european languages of Asia Minor…
 
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Éléments d’onomastique hourrito-louvite et la légende étrusque de Tagès
A. PORTNOFF. — The story of Tages is one of the most authentic Etruscan legends. Nevertheless, his name cannot be easily explained by Etruscan…
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Étrusque et ibère : branches d’un substrat méditerranéen commun ?
C. RUIZ DARASSE. — We consider here two non-Indoeuropean languages in the Western part of the Mediterranean sea. As they were in cultural contact, we try to find some clues of a common linguistical substract…
 
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Les génies armés, gardiens de la porte du pylône du temple d’Horus à Edfou
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On both jambs of Edfu’s temple pylon, at the northern side, the visitor can see the figures of 64 anthropoid genious carrying a weapon and affecting an offensive attitude. The legends assigned to these genious mention their names whose significations are related to a wide range of specific concepts of the war and to the psychology of terror in the Egyptian thought. The reading of the texts reveals that these figures, organized in three seasons (akhet, peret, shemu), are distributed in twelve squads (the twelve months). Each team consisting of an unequal number of genious is leaded by a god, in association with his defensive function according to the Apollinopolite mythology. The activity of these armed and terrifying protectors of the Edfu’s temple court is clearly associated to the mythological fight of the Darkness against the Light, i.e. the forces of the Evil and those of the Good. Actually, the pylon and the columns of Edfu’s temple are respectively used as a style and graduations of a solar clock. Therefore, during the solar year, the effects of this phenomenon are observable in the advance of the pylon’s shadow cast on the columns, from the southern (summer solstice)  to the northern side (winter solstice) of the court. According to the sacerdotal interpretation, the armed genious, by their magical power, were supposed to repulse the assault of Darkness against the temple, whose court was considered as a battle field, between the summer and the winter solstice.
 
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L'Asie mineure et ses langues
W. JENNIGES. — This paper aims at presenting a general overview of the languages of Asia Minor in the 2nd and 1st millennia B.C. It focuses primarily on terminological questions, the history of the discovery and decipherment, and the state of the art…
 
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La maison de Mopsos en Cilicie et en Pamphylie à l’époque du Fer (XIIe-VIe s. av. J.-C.)
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The discovery of the Çinekoy Phoenician and Luwian inscription, ten years ago, throws new light on the importance of the « House of Mopsos » in Southern Anatolia during the Iron Age. Mopsos is no longer a pure legend but the eponym of an important dynasty. The Phoenician and Luwian inscriptions from the VIIIth-VIIth c. BCE show that this “House of Mopsos” was active not only in Cilicia but also in Pamphylia, especially in the foundations of new cities bearing the names of the rulers, and probably plaid an important role in the diffusion of the Phoenician alphabet to the Luwian people.
 
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Statues royales nabatéennes
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The royal iconography which appeared in the Nabataean kingdom is part of the imitation phenomenon of Hellenistic kingship by the Nabataean dynasty. Inscriptions found in Petra indicate that these images were private dedication to the king, not official monuments. However, it seems that this was the outcome of the royal propaganda which aimed at presenting the king as the benefactor of the people. The deification of a king named Obodas, probably at the time of Aretas IV, and the erection of statues in honour of this new god were also part of the royal propaganda.
 
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Où est mort le grand Pompée, l’adversaire malheureux de Jules César ?
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The place in front of which Pompey has been murdered and where his tomb and the Zeus Casios temple were located, is not situated in the middle of the offshore bar that separates, in the north, the Sirbonis / Bardaouil lake from the Mediterranean, a place that many people call Casion, but rather (ou most probably) in the plain at the east of Peluse, near  the western end of lake Sirbonis.
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Alcune iconografie monetali della Lycia del v secolo a.C. e Kuprlli : espressione d’imperio o realismo politico (?)

N. VISMARA. —L’auteur compare 24 typologies monétaire de Kuprlli avec les émissions des autres « seigneur » et villes de la région de la Lycie…


Details | Volume | See the other papers

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Tabal sur un sceau-cylindre araméen
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On the cylinder seal are represented a sacred tree with on each side human-headed bulls.  They hold on up-raised hands a winged sun disk from which arise three human heads, a central figure flanked by saluting assistants. On the left, a man raises his hands towards the central group while, on the right, a person wearing a fish costume is performing an act of aspersion. The human-headed bull to the left has his body turned in but is looking back over his shoulder at the suppliant and at a second figure who is holding a sickle-sword in his right hand and under his left arm a quadruped which has its head turned looking at the central scene.  Under the hind legs of this animal, a monkey-like creature is crouched facing right. Above the left-most personage are six small six-pointed stars and just above the suppliant’s raised hands is a much larger eight-pointed orb.
The motifs of this scene are Mesopotamian and date to the VIIIth or the VIIth century, while the Aramaic inscription may be dated palaeographically to about the middle of the VIIth century. It reads LTBLY MN ≥BLNH, "(Belonging) to Tabal≠ (or, if aramaic,Tabalay] of Abilena."  Tabal≠  (or Tabalay) appears to be a gentilic, referring to the land of Tabal, probably to be located in Asia Minor in one of the areas conquered a few decades earlier by Sargon II of Assyria. The owner of the seal wished to be identified both with his homeland and with his new domicile in the Abilena region of the Anti-Lebanon range on the eastern slopes of the Lebanese Beqa Valley.
 
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Le Tabal de la préhistoire au début de l’ère chrétienne
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The lector finds here a short historical introduction to the Tabal, an important country of Southern Anatolia.
 
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Les Phrygiens en Tyanide et le problème des Muskis
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In the first part of this article is questioned the Phrygian influence in the region of Tyana. Three elements are discussed : the Phrygian fibulae on the Ivriz relief, dated at the end of the 8th c. B.C., the Phrygian bronze material in the Kaynarca tumulus and the Phrygian inscriptions of Tyana. The Phrygian influence in the Tyana region appears to be certain at  the end of the 8th c. B.C. ; it is at least cultural and political but certainly also economical. In the second part, the Muski problem is discussed according to our main source : the Assyrian annals. The conclusions are that the Muski king Mita appears to be the same as the Phrygian king Midas but the Mushkis can’t be assimilated to the Phrygians. This assimilation reinforces the Phrygian presence in the Tyana region as well as the contacts between Phrygians and Assyrians.
 
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Des Grands Rois de Tarḫuntašša aux Grands Rois de Tabal
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Shortly before and after the fall of the Hittite Empire dynasty and the capital, Ḫattuša, the title “Great King” is found in some hieroglyphic inscriptions belonging:
– at first to the vassal king of Tarḫuntašša, a germain of the hittite king (inscription from Hatip and seals, second half of the 13th century B.C.),
– to the so-called Hartapu (Kızıldağ, Karadağ, Burunkaya, 12th century B.C. ?),
– to some kings of Tabal in the assyrian epoch (9th-7th centuries B.C.)
The difficult question of the continuity or of the discontinuity between Kurunta, king and Great King of Tarḫuntašša, Hartapu and the late kings of Tabal is posed and settled here on behalf of the discontinuity.
 
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Divinités particulières du Tabal
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In this contribution, R. Lebrun gives a study of important deities in the Tabal during the Iron Age. The majority of the gods were luwian but we find also the remembrance of some hurrian gods such as the Stormgod and the Goddess Hebat.
 
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Télipinu au Tabal
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The Weather God of the vineyard mentioned in the Sultanhan and Bor inscriptions show many similarities with the one depicted on the Ivriz rock carving. Il therefore seems likely that we are dealing with the same deity when looking at these three monuments. The God shows characteristic features which compare well with those of Telepinu, one of the most important gods of the Hittite pantheon during the second millennium B.C.
 
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Les lapicides du Tabal
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The paper studies names of lapidaries or scribes in their context, as well as their survival in the greek-asianic language. Therefore we establish a survey on the basis of corpus of the texts of Tabal.  Eventually we provide a vocabulary of words meaning "to engrave" or  "to incise" in luwian. Furthermore, we argue that there exists a specific name for "the lapidary". Finally we list anthroponyms which still be found in the greek-asianic.

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Au sujet des représentations du Cerbère de type "macrobien" et pseudo-macrobien : une recherche iconologique
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This paper is dealing once again with the iconologic analysis of the so-called Macrobian-Cerberous whose description is given by Macrobius, Saturnals I, 20 : a central standing lion with two lateral heads of a dog and a wolf shooting from its neck, with two snakes climbing up along the lion’s legs and connecting the three animal heads. Two new representations of this fabulous tricephalous animal engraved in the famous book L’Antiquité expliquée en figures of Dom Bernard de Montfaucon (1719-1724) as well as other figures missing in the iconographic corpus of this deity, provide the opportunity to give a new approach of this monster from an egyptological point of view. The basic concept of the tricephalous Cerberous, as well as the iconography of this god were the result of an intellectual exchange between two high figures belonging to the sacerdotal class : Manetho the Sebennytus and the Athenian Timothy the Eumolpid. Embodying both Egyptian and Greek beliefs in the prospect of the creation of the theology of the god Sarapis, at Memphis, under the reign of Ptolemeus Sôter, they promoted a bifocal belief in giving both the Greeks and the Egyptian the god Sarapis ruling in the Hades, and mastering the allegorical « dog » Cerberous, whose certain features are adapted from Egyptian iconography.
 
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Considérations sur la légende d’Attus Navius
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The Roman augur Attus Navius was famous for having prevented king Tarquinius the Elder from changing the tarditional organization of Roman cavalry with its three centuries. Other texts tell us how, as a child, he reinvented the art of observing birds as practiced by augurs. He was also connected with the alleged translation of the fig-tree under which the founder of Rome, Romulus, was suckled by the she-wolf. These three stories can be related together, as forming parts of a career conceived along the lines of old Indo-European trifunctional ideology, after which Attus Navius’ mysterious vanishing can be understood as a kind of heroization.
 
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Chypre, Rhodes et l’Anatolie méridionale : la question ionienne
O. CASABONNE, J. DEVOS. — Examination of the Aegyptian, Assyrian, Babylonian, Biblical and Achaemenid texts, indicates that the “Ionians” (Yaw/mnayi, Yawan, Yauna) were not only Greek and Cypriot populations, but also Anatolian populations…
 
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