Volume IV, 2007, 304 pages
Res Antiquae (RANT) is a journal dedicated to antiquity. It deals with the antique civilizations that developped around the Mediterranean Sea and its aim is to establish links between the various disciplines that are too often separated.
ISSN 1781-1317
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E. J. BUIS. — Both legal and religious texts show an interesting coherence as far as the expression appa šuppiyahh- is concerned. Through the analysis of certain passages in Muwatalli’s prayer and various Hittite legal provisions, where the verb is mentioned…
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The attalid letters from Pessinous are exceptionnal documents for Antiquity, because of their secret nature. They allow the reconstitution of a tragic episod which affected the sanctuary: a sacrilege commited by Galatians. Facing the accident, the author of these texts expresses reactions rarely noticed, linked with theology. It may be added that the presentations of these events became possible by the simple change concerning the word Pessongoi, which figures in the beginning of the first letter.
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The origin of the name of the deity Apollo is still a matter of debate. The name is attributed to Greek, Anatolian or a substrate language of the Aegean area. Whatever the position one takes on this question, it has consequences far beyond the linguistic debate: it concerns the constitution of the Greek religious belief by inherited or by loan elements. In this article it is decisively taken part for the Greek origin of the deity, which is further linked to elements of Indo-European culture. In spite of some astonishing facts which could be in favor of an Anatolian (or substrate) origin, such an origin is refused. These facts belong already to a further development of the nature of the deity. The whole question is linked to the history of the movements of Indo-European men-groups to unknown regions, notably to the Greek presence in Western Anatolia which is older than generally asumed. In this perspective, Apollo can be considered as a kind of ‘frontier god’ who get’s ‘civilized’ in parallel to the institutional development of the political units venerating him.
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In Hittite texts apart from the «stone house» É.NA4 and the É hekur there is the third term related to the deceased kings: a «house (palace) of grand-fathers» É(.GAL) huhhas. Those houses existed in three Hittite royal residences: Hattusa, Katapa and Samuha. Some ceremonies of the great festivals as well as the rituals were celebrated in those houses. In Hattusa the events of the second day of the hisuwa-festival took place in the “house of grand-fathers”; in Samuha the queen celebrated a ritual for Sauska of Taminiga in the É huhhas; in Katapa the nuntarriyasha-festival began in the “house of grand-fathers”. É huhhas (as well as the “stone house») had some economic power: the food necessary for the different festivals were brought from them. Although there wasn’t any festival nor ritual description which took place in the “stone house”. The officials working for É huhhas (LÚ.MEŠ É huhhas) had the ability to answer the oracle questions in some ominal texts.
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This paper is dealing once again with the blacksmiths’ religion in Anatolia and the god Hephaistos. Wich divinities did the metalworkers prefer? Did they dispose of temple of their own? Did they profit by, within sanctuaries, reserved spaces?
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In this short contribution the lector will find a study of the functioning and the continuity during the Greco-Roman period of three sanctuaries with an Anatolian- Luwian origin, namely Kumman(n)i = Komana Cappadociae or perhaps Hierapolis-Castabala, Hubesna = cl. Kybistra, and Sinuri-Mylasa for which we do not possess to-day attestations from the Bronze Age.
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As regards the temples and sanctuaries, the author underlines the specific aspects of the Hittites in the indo-european civilisations. Very early the Hittites built dwellings for the gods. He stresses the act that the “houses of the gods”, as they are usually designed, are built like human abodes. Among other points, the author draws our attention to presence of the gods in the sanctuaries as well as their relationship with their statues.
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This paper is dealing with some different problems about Lycian sanctuaries of Tlus and Patara. We have examined numismatic and epigraphic material of both cities, in order to give some new reflexions and hypothesis. The problem of an eventual cultual organization of cities of “Tremilis”, whom chief-city would have been Tlus, has been considered mainly from the so-called Sacred Law, Panyassis’ Legend of Tremilids and Panthera coins minted at Tlus. The Panthera typus has been linked to Belleropho’s legend and possible second Storm-God of the “tloean amphictiony”. The problem of the identification of the masculine head on coinage from Tlus and Patara, which could be either of Apollo or Hermes, has also been envisaged. The expression of “Maliyean Patara” in the Inscribed Pillar of Xanthus and the importance of Athenian coinage in the latest city let us wonder if Maliya’s occurrences in Lycian epigraphy really concerned the Asianic Goddess in every cases or referred to Athena. But, we also wondered if particular representations of Athena on Patarean coins designed the Greek Goddess or referred to Maliya instead.
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S. SALMON. —The main concepts building the identity of the Assyrian State since the Bronze Age developed around the theology of the Assyrian national god, Ashur, leader of the local pantheon and “true” king of Assyria…
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Une approche interdisciplinaire a permis de retracer les changements environnementaux de la région de Tell Tweini…
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The first Neo-Sumerian administrative text is dated from the second month of the 42d year of Šulgi’s reign. This is an expenditure text of a certain Urkununna, a high-ranking civil servant from Drehem. The second tablet, a delivery text, is probably dated from the third month of the third year of ŠÅ«-Sin’s reign. The owner of the Old-Babylonian cylinder seal is Ilišamaš, son of Ahušunu, servant of Šamaš and of Nergal of Apiak.
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Cet essai analyse certains anthroponymes composés pamphyliens possédant la voyelle de liaison -a-. Dans le panorama de la dialectologie grecque, il s’agit d’une particularité presque exclusive du dialecte pamphylien. Après avoir écarté la possibilité d’un trait héréditaire propre aux dialectes achéens, on propose d’analyser cette spécificité du pamphylien en tant que produit d’une interférence du substrat anatolien et louvite en particulier.
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F. DE BACKER. — The goal of this paper is to provide the reader with some clues about a specific kind of soldier usually represented on the neo-assyrian visual documents in the depictions of siege-combats…
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This paper offers a Latin to French translation of the small account Georg Friedrich Grotefend gave about his attempt of deciphering Old Persian cuneiform. The Göttingen young Latin teacher’s article, which title is De cuneatis, quas vocant, inscriptionibus persepolitanis legendis et explicandis relatio, appears partly, at first, in the Göttinger Gelehrten Anzeigen in 1802-1803. The last editing version, by W. Meyer, dates back to 1893. This work represents the key of Old Persian decipherment but has never been translated to date. It seems all the more necessary to do it since severals differences exist between Grotefend’s own account and what can be usually read on the topic.
So, this text allows us to follow the decipherer’s work and progress, and his method, as Grotefend himself notifies, from general considerations on the three writings attested on Persepolis monuments, to very precise readings and translations of Old Persian cuneiform inscriptions, what he calls “the first Persepolitan writing”.
So, this text allows us to follow the decipherer’s work and progress, and his method, as Grotefend himself notifies, from general considerations on the three writings attested on Persepolis monuments, to very precise readings and translations of Old Persian cuneiform inscriptions, what he calls “the first Persepolitan writing”.
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From the year names of the Sumerian period, we learn the destruction of many towns that are supposed to be ruined to the ground in wartime. The houses were burnt, the king captive or killed, the inhabitants taken away, the fields ravaged, metals, cattle and flock carried as a booty. We are amazed at seeing that, two or three years later, these towns and their bordering country were completely destroyed again. I would try to understand what the texts really mean. It seems interesting to consider the social and economic consequences of the facts that are mentioned above.
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Some parts of Guštāsp’s life told by Firdawsi’s Shahnameh are like some parts of Lug’s life: the Iranian prince and the Celtic god came incognito at the chief town of a kingdom; both presented themselves to king’s palace and enumerated their ability, but failed; both must undergo many tests, but then were successful; both became king’s allies, won at war, and became kings. These resemblances partly question Dumezil’s thesis and deny some parts of Guštāsp’s life are taken from an episode of the Mahābhārata.
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The purpose of this article is to revise the values that have been traditionally attributed by scholars to the Lycian vowels. In order to do that, I intend to study the Lycian names attested in Greek inscriptions, especially those present in bilingual inscriptions. Since the values of the Greek vowels are well known, this will help me to establish the values of the Lycian vowels.
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On relève en Homère une excessive, inacceptable homogénéité entre les Grecs et les non-Grecs. Dans le champ de la religion, le Panthéon grec semble être commun à toutes les gens entraînées dans la guerre de Troie; toutefois Homère introduit un rituel panhellénique des Vieilles pendant la procession menée par Hécube. Tous les personnages, héroïques ou moins, qui prennent part au conflit, emploient un langage qui est apparemment unique; toutefois, les peuples de la coalition anatolienne parlent des langues differentes (Il., IV, 436 seg.). D’un point de vue politique, on observe aussi que les souverains étrangers sont appelés βασιλεις, à la manière grecque. Dans l’Odyssée les Phéaciens semblent être un peuple qui vit heureusement; toutefois Homère admet l’existence de possibles larrons (Od., VIII, 443 seg.). Homère est un témoin attentif et digne de foi – à mon avis – de la réalité du monde mycénien à la fin du IIe millénaire. Pourtant pareilles contradictions étant inadmissibles, elles peuvent être expliquées seulement comme un bien précis objectif. Par le caractère politique-culturel de ces contradictions, il est possible de penser à un but à caractère idéologique.
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The usage of Greek symbols on Hasmonean coins solely reflects a superficial dualism which does not distort in any way the national character of the Hasmonean state. The coins do not reflect any cultural dualism whatsoever, evenless a kind of syncretism. The Greek symbols used by the Hasmonean were not seen as symbols of paganism or idolatry. They were chosen in accordance with their relevance to the Jewish tradition.
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This study shows how Modern Hebrew is linked to Biblical Hebrew through morphology, whilst it is distanced through syntax. But it is through semantics that there is the most innovation. In fact, the « renaissance » of spoken Hebrew, the initiative of which is above all due to Eliezer Ben Yehouda (1858-1922), fonctions thanks to the use of the classical heritage of the Scriptures read again according to the sociolinguistic contexts of the speakers concerned.
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De nouvelles autopsies et surtout une analyse informatisée de nombreuses macrophotoÂgraphies ont permis de lire complètement l’inscription funéraire de la stèle de Belmonte. L’inscription est divisible en trois périodes : 1) apàºnis qupat ant teom « Aponios [le défunt] cubat ante te » ; 2) Å‚as manes abàt sue cum hemat « Lar Manis abit secum humat » ; 3) mehnatàs utràmpe àttas estas amuenas diγeintem atàm Å‚epetest « Maiores utrumque ictae (?) gentis amoenae memorantem petram linquent ».
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