Res Antiquae VI (2009)

Volume VI, 2009, 384 pages

Res Antiquae (RANT) is a journal dedicated to antiquity. It deals with the antique civilizations that developped around the Mediterranean Sea and its aim is to establish links between the various disciplines that are too often separated.

ISSN 1781-1317

See the papers and the abstracts

55,00 €
Per l’etimo dell’ittito maškan-
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Cet essai analyse le mot hittite maškan- « don, récompense propitiatoire, dessous de table » afin d’en proposer une étymologie. L’étude des attestations montre que la composante principale de la signification de maškan- pourrait appartenir au domaine de l’illégalité. À la lumière de ceci on propose d’analyser le mot maškan- comme un dérivé en -an (sur l’exemple de l’hittite ¯enkan- « ruine, mort », takšan- « jonction, moyen ») de la racine indo-européenne *mesg- « immerger, submerger » : maškan- serait alors, littéralement, « ce qui est souterrain, ce qui est caché ».
 
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Cruelty and Military Refinements
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La mutilation et la fragmentation des corps des ennemis vaincus appartenaient aux techniques de combat néo-assyriennes. De plus, l’exposition des cadavres représentait sans aucun doute plus que de la simple sauvagerie humaine, représentée par des artistes désireux d’impressionner le spectateur avec des images très choquantes. En fait, ces techniques militaires étaient certainement très longtemps mûries avant d’être mises en oeuvre, ne relevant pas d’une soif de sang gratuite et instinctive, base de la mauvaise réputation des Néo-Assyriens dans la littérature vulgarisatrice.
Les Néo-Assyriens utilisaient différentes méthodes pour annihiler les corps de leurs ennemis, suivant l’impact qu’ils désiraient obtenir sur une audience choisie, ainsi qu’en fonction des réserves et des sources de victimes disponibles. Plus que cela, ces traitements peuvent également représenter les effets d’une comptabilité mesurable dans le temps et l’espace, au fil des campagnes militaires néo-assyriennes illustrées sur les monuments visuels et textuels des rapports de combat.
Cet article propose une analyse préliminaire de ces mauvais traitements ainsi qu’une classification des tortures afin de présenter quelques remarques sur les manières et les raisons pour lesquelles les Néo-Assyriens les infligèrent à leurs vaincus.
 
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Lat. "gravastellus" (Plaut. "Epid." 620): un "hapax" problematico
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L’adjectif plautinien grāvāstellus (Ep., 620) a toujours posé des problèmes à l’analyse  linguistique, étant donné qu’il s’agit d’un hapax et aussi parce qu’il n’a été pas transmis de manière univoque par tous les manuscrits (dans certains d’entre eux, on lit ravistellus). Toutefois, la forme grāvāstellus est défendable du point de vue philologique, si on prend en compte l’authenticité et l’autorité de la tradition qui l’atteste. Il est possible, dès lors, de faire remonter grāvāstellus à un étymon *grā-u̯os, qui se retrouve dans la variante plus récente rāvus, « gris ». Lié étymologiquement à des formes grecques telles que γραῦς, « vieille femme », l’adjectif *grā-u̯os comporte un signifié primitif « vieux », qui a donné, par spécialisation sémantique, le sens de « gris » dans rāvus. L’existence de telles variations en latin est confirmée par la comparaison avec les autres langues indo-européennes.
 
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Expulser l’autre. À propos d’un rituel ombrien (TI VI b 52 à VII a 2)
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The present paper aims at analyzing the description of an Umbrian ritual (TI VI b 52 to VII a 2). During this ritual, the foreigners are expelled from among the citizens of Iguvium. I examine how aggressive urges are unleashed, and on the same time controlled, in the frame of the religious performance.
 
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Anfang und Ende des Ersten Pestgebetes Muršilis II.
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Tout hittitologue ou spécialiste de l’histoire de l’Anatolie antique devra se réjouir de voir avantageusement restaurés, grâce à de nouveaux « joins », deux passages de la première prière contre la peste qui ravageait le Hatti du Grand Roi hittite Moursili II (1318-1290 av. J.-C.) ; il s’agit du Ro 1-7, 16-22 et du Vo 44-51. La publication enrichissante de ces deux passages est assortie d’observations philologiques d’un grand intérêt.
 
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Les inscriptions de Lepcis Magna en l’honneur de Septime Sévère et de sa famille. Deuxième partie
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This article is the second part of a study intituled « The inscriptions of Lepcis Magna in honour of Septimius Severus and his family ». In this first article, we exposed the epigraphically corpus used and tried to identified author of this texts (see).
 
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L’enfant de la  IVe Bucolique : un autre Zarathuštra ?
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Because the ambiguousness of the Latin grammar we don’t know who in Virgil’s 4th Eclogue (vv. 60 – 63) smiles (the child to his mother or the mother to her child). In order to work out this problem we compare the birth of the child and Zoroaster’s whose Virgil’s contemporaries knew the live, at least partly. We thus may say not only the child smiles to his mother, but also he is born in a religious environment, as when Zoroaster was born. In the 4th Eclogue, Virgil provides the child with some Zoroaster’s salient features, in order that the child has the qualities of the founder of the religion the Parthians, i.e. the Rome’ enemies, practise, and because the child will see the submission of the Parthians.
 
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Antiquité classique et tradition biblique en symbiose dans l’Anthologie Palatine, VIII, Epigrammes 12-23
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In order to situate the Anthologia Palatina in the cultural history of Europe, this article analyses twelve literary epitaphs of Gregory of Nazianzus : 1. Book XXIV, Epitaphia 12-23, texts and observations; 2. biographical order of the poems; 3. the junction of classical and patristic traditions; 4. private poetry.
 
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Byzance et le Mont Athos au Petit Palais à Paris
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Under the auspices of the municipality of Paris, the art and history of Byzantium have been presented to the public in an exhibition gathering together a large collection of treasures from Mount Athos at the Petit Palais in Paris from the 10th of April to the 5th of July 2009.
 
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Le rôle politique des femmes de la dynastie d’Hérode. Hérodiade, Cypros, Bérénice, Salomé
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What were the princesses' official functions in the herodian dynasty ? We propose to analyse the women's place in the herodian propaganda as well as their political role beside the king. An evolution can be highlighted : contrary to Herod the Great, who was a "king without queen", Agrippa I, Agrippa II and Aristobulus decided to show themselves with a queen beside them. From then, monarchy had to be embodied by a royal couple.
 
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La conception des animaux domestiques et des animaux de compagnie dans la Mésopotamie d’époque historique
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In the ancient Near East the animals are very often represented in art and are present mostly in temples but also in houses and in palaces. Wild animals are more frequently reproduced than domesticated. The most represented domesticated animals are those ones mentioned in the texts : first cattle and then goat, sheep, donkey/horse, dog. It’s difficult to establish which kind of animals Mesopotamians considered as domesticated : only those which had an usefulness for milk and meat, for transport, for war and hunting, for ploughing or also those which aroused friendly feelings ? Was there a feeling for animals like that we have today for pets ? In iconography, but chiefly in texts and in archaeozoologic data there are some elements which suggested that there was a feeling for at least some animals, mainly monkey, cattle, dog and horse.

 
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Conditions et symbolisme de l’animal domestique dans le culte de la divinité Soleil
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In the second millennium BC, numerous sacrifices of animals were made in honour of the divinity Sun in Anatolia. During the sacrifices of pets, sheep, ox and  pig are the most usually animals mentioned. By basing itself on a representative sample of extracts of texts, we shall put in relationship the world of the gods with the world of the Men. In this paper, we shall emphasize the fact that the animals which are a part of the current life of the Men are the ones also presented to the gods for the divine consumption.

 
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Chameaux et hybrides dans l'empire achemenide
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Camel, almost as much as horse, had an important place in the Iranian world. This article, wich does not pretend to be exhaustive, seeks to present some of is major uses. It aims to deal with the issue of cross-breeding in the achaemenid Empire.

 
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Les animaux domestiques dans les lois hittites
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Pets are very present in the laws of the Hittites. After trying to approach the concept of pet, we shall see what sorts of pets are present in the laws of the Hittites, and what their function and status are. We shall also show that it is not only the point of view of the legislator that is represented in the laws : religion is never far away, the laws of human society being like those of the cosmos.

 
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Le chien dans l'Anatolie antique
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In this short contribution it is possible to find an aspect of the dog’s situation in Ancient Anatolia, especially in the limits of the Hittite civilization. Some aspects relating to the social position of this animal and the relations between the men and the dog were unknow.

 
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Les métamorphoses animales des divinités dans la Méditerranée antique
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Looking for the authenticity of the sacred one may find out that the first human’s gods could often take the animal form. Since the prehistoric times, human beings worshipped wild animals and represented them in art with care and precision. During the Antiquity, even the most anthropocentric streams of philosophy couldn’t impede the survival of these popular beliefs. Some peoples, like ancient Egyptians, developed a very sophisticated zoomorphic pantheon. Greece and Rome testified a high level of the animal symbolism in mythology and divination. As for the Asia Minor, according to the old traditions, the idea of the wild nature couldn’t be separated there from the perception of the realm of the gods. This paper gives an approach to some historical evidences of god’s metamorphoses into animals and tries to examine the origins of these beliefs in the ancient Mediterranean world. 

9,50 €
Les animaux domestiques dans les sources lyciennes
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Some questions about pets in Lycia through iconographical documents and rare mentions in epichoric epigraphy. We focused on Dynastic times in Lycia and observed that representations of such animals may be issued from an Anatolian Tradition.

 
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Production céramique et representations animales à l’époque de Halaf
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Fauna is very well represented on Halafian ceramic production. Among it, domestic and wild animals are easily recognized.
Following Levi-Strauss’s point of  view which highlighted that the « animals good to eat » are not the only ones « good to think », we will try to demonstrate that behind the picture, imagery, human activities and social orientations are reflected.
After a brief presentation of the halafian ceramic production, a comparitive study with zoological and archeozoological data and iconographic considerations, many observations will be proposed. Firstly, we will focus on the large variety of represented species. Secondly, the importance of the ceramic medium in the image diffusion will be considered. Lastly, the social implications of such a bestiary will be discuss.

 
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Le “Chien” dans la tradition juive des littératures bibliques et para- et postbiblique (Ahiqar, écrits de Qumrân, pseudépigraphes et littérature rabbinique)
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Dogs in Judaism in biblical and extra- and postbiblical traditions (Ahiqar, writings from Qumran, Apocryphal and Rabbinic literature)
In Judaism, from the Torah until the later writings from Qumran and the Rabbinic literature, dogs are generally considered to be unclean, bad and fierce.
Despite the general negative connation, there are a few exceptional passages  where dogs occupy a very positive position as creatures faithful to their masters and  as guardians like in the apocryphal book of Tobit where the dog accompanies Tobias on his journey to Ekbatana. A similar role is assigned to the dog in the Midrash where Cain, having killed his brother Abel, is given a dog by God as a symbol of his protection.
In the Rabbinic tradition it is also written that the dogs stayed silent while the Israelites began to exit from Egypt, and the Talmud says that Jews should "tolerate" dogs.
 
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Le singe dans le monde minoen et cycladique
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The representations of monkeys are numerous in the Minoan and Theran art although the monkey is not an animal native of the Aegean. Introduced from Egypt, probably via the Levant, first as iconographic motif, afterwards as real animals, the monkey became a pet and even found a place in the Minoan and Cycladic religion.

 
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Les langues indigènes d’Anatolie à l’époque hellénistique : présentation du thème
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We find at the time of the opening of this meeting a short presentation of some anatolian languages during the hellenistic period, such as  Lycian, Lydian, Phrygian or Carian. All these languages have a common origin : the Luwian Language.

 
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Un bref aperçu de la langue lydienne
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The aim of this paper is to give a brief grammatical sketch of Lydian : the author provides data about the corpus of inscriptions, the alphabet, phonology, and morphology.

 
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La restructuration de l’espace graphique dans l’Anatolie du Ier millénaire av. J.-C. Présentation générale
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With the fall of the Hittite empire, [disappeared] the situation of stable digraphia which had marked the second millennium B.C. disappeared. Profound political upheavals will lead to the installation then to the triumph of the alphabet, especially of the Greek alphabet. So shall we discuss the expansion of the Phoenician, Aramaic, and Greek scripts, but also the appearance of original scripts, such as lycian, carian or sidetic, etc.

 
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La position de la langue lycienne : présentation grammaticale et lexicale d’une langue. Représentant du louvite résiduel
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We give here a short  grammatical and lexical presentation of the Lycian language in the perspective of an inheritage by an Anatolian language (5th-4th B.C.) from the Luwian : we find here an extraordinary example of linguistic continuity.

 
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Notes cariennes
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The reader finds here a short presentation of the carian language with a commentary of four inscriptions.

 
9,50 €